Front matter, Volume 10

Volume 10

9 Jun

Written By KAS

"ANTIQUITATBB BEU HIBTO:RIAllUJII EELIQUm BUNT TANQUAM TABUL.lE N.A.UFRAGH ; OUM, DEFIOIENT.E ET FERE SUBMERSA RERUM JIIBMOBIA, NraILOMINUB ROMINES INDUSTRII ET SAG.A.OES, PERTINAOI. QUADAM ET SORUPULOSA DILIGENTU, EX GENBALOGHS, FABTIS, TlTULIB, MONUMENTIS, NUMISMATlBUS, NO.MINIBUS PROPRIIS E􀃉 STYLIS, V.ERllORUM ETYMOLOGilS, PROVERllIIB, TlU:DITIONIBUS, AllORIVIB, ET INSTRUMENTIS, TAM PUllLIOIS QUAM PRIVATIS, RISTORURUM FRA.GMENTIS, LlBROR'l'M: NEUTIQUA'M KISTORI· OORUM LOOXS DISPERSIS,-EX HIS, INQ,UAM, OMNIBUS VBL ALIQ,UlBUS, NONNULLA. A. TEMPORIS DILUVIO ERIPIUNT ET CONSERV.A.NT. RES SANE OPEROS.A., BED MOBTALilltrS ORA.TA ET OUM BEVERENTI.A. QU.A.D.A.M CONJUNCT.A.," "ANTIQUITIES, OB REMNANTS OF :e:ISTOBY,. ARE, AS WAS SAID, TANQU;I.M T.A.l3UL.IE NAUFB.A.Gll; WHEN INDUSTRIOUS PERSONS, BY AN EXACT AND SCRUPULOUS DILIGENCE AND OBSERVATION, OUT OF MONUMENTS, NAMES, WORDS, PROVERllS, TRADITTONS, PRIVATE RECORDS AND EVIDENOES, FRA.G· MENTS OF STORIES, l'A.SSA.Gl!S OF BOOKS THA.T CONCERN NOT STORY, .AND TlIE LIKE, DO SAVE AND RECOVER SOMEWHA.T FROM THE DELUGE OF TIME."-A.dvanceme11t of Learnfog, ii. BEING TRANSACTIONS OF THE KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. VOLUME X. iLonlJon: PRI TED FOR THE SOCIETY llY MITCHELL & HUGHES, WARDOUR TREET, 0 FORD TREET. 1876. The Council of the Kent .hclu:eologicat Society is not answerable for any· opinions put forward in tltis Worlc. Each Contributor is alone re.􀀺onsible for Ms own remarks. CONTENTS. OFFIOERS OF THE SOCIETY, X j RULES, xiv ; L:rsT OF lU!IMllERS, Xvi; OONTRillUTIONS TO TlI.E ILLUSTRATION FUNJ>, :nxii; :BA.LA.NOE SHEETS FOR 1874, xxxiv; FOR 1875, xx.x:v . .A.BSTR.A.OT OF l']WOEEDINGs, 1874, x.xxvii; MEETING AT FOLXESTONE, xx.x.viii; SEYENTEE'NTR ANNUAL REPORT, x.xxix. l'J.Gll THE CASTLE RILL, FOLKESTONE. DY :MR. W, J, JE.A.FFRESON :x:liv l'A:DDLESWORTH ORUROH OF ST. OSWALD, :BY C.ANON JENXINS . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . .. . .. . . . . xlix FOLKESTONE CRUlWH OF ST. MARY A.ND ST, E.A.NSWITH, DY MR, SCOTT ROBERTSON ........ , . .. .. . .. .. .. . . . .. . . .. .. . Jiv ON THE MUNICIPAL RECORDS OF POLKESTONE. BY CANON JENKINS . . . .. . .. . . .. . .. . .. . . . . . . . .. . .. . .. . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . .. Ixix MEMOIR OF JORN PHILIPOT, TllE HERALD,. DY MR, SCOTT ROBERTSON .................................................. .lxxxvi OBSERVATIONS ON THE EARLIER CL.A.IMS TO THE DISCOVERY OF THE CIRCULATION OF THE DLOOD, DY CANON JENKINS . . . .. . . .. .. . . .. . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . .. . .. xcvi EARLY CHRISTIAN IU.SILICAS .A.ND THE DISCOYEUIES .A.T LYMINGE, :gy CANON JENKINS........................... ci :MEDilEVAL FOLKESTONE, :BY MR, SOOT!!: ROD:ERTSON...... civ .A.BSt.rR.A.OT OF l'ROOEEDINGS, 1875, cxxviii; MEETING .AT DOVER, cxxix; EIGIITEENTH .ANNUAL ll,EPORT, cxxix. ON THE MUNIOIP.A.L RECORDS OF DOVER, :BY MR, EDWARD XNOOXER, F.S . .A. . ............................................. cxxxiv llRA.lWURNE OHUROH, llY SIR G. GILllEBT SOOTT .............. , 1 llEOKET MEMORANDA. BY CANON J, OR.A.IGIE RO:BERTSON :- ON .A. STONE IN THE "MARTYRDOM" OF OANTERBU.EY OATREDR.A.L ........ , . ; ... , ................... , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 ON TB.E KINDRED OF .A.RORBISROP llEOKET ... , , ..... , ... , 16 THE COMPENSATION PA.ID :BY THE KENTISHMEN TO lNE FOR THE :BURNING OF MUL. DY THE REV. DANIEL HAIGH . . . 29 THE SKEFFINGTONS OF TUNDRIDGE. DY MR, ROBERT ClUPl\UN 89 ELlIAM:, OHU:ROH OF ST. MA.RY, BY :Mlt, SCOTT 110:BERTSON... 46 ON .A. WALL-PAINTING IN ROCHESTER C.A.TIIEDRAL CHOIB, DY M , SCOTT ROBERTSON .................................. , . . . . . .. . . . 70 CONTENTS. l'.&.Gn ON ROMAN POTTERY FROM HOO. BY MR, HUMPHREY wrc1rn:.A.M 75 ON .A.N ANCIENT CARVED .CHEST IN HAll,TY CHURCH, BY MR, SCOTT ROBERTSON ..................... , . . . .. . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 MONKS HORTON PRIORY, BY MR. C. BAILY, F.R,I.B,.A.. ......... 81 NOTE ON MEDilEVA L WINDOW CASEMENTS AND SHUTTERS, BY MR, R, C. HUSSEY, F,S.A. . . . . . . . .. .. . .. . . . . . .. .. .. . . . . . . . . .. . 90 SOMNER'S DESCRIPTION OF CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL AFTER THE GRE.A.1.' REBELLION, BY CANON J. CR.A.IGIE ROBERTSON... 98 ASSESSMENTS IN KENT FOR TJIE AID TO XNIGHT THE DLA.OK PRINCE, .A.N􀄌O 20 EDWARD Ill, BY MR, JA.MES GREEN• STREET ............................................................... 99 ON .A. ROMA. N VILLA. NE.A.R M. .A.IDSTO l!l'E. BY MR. C. ROACH SMITH, F,S.A................... .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . .. . 168 ON .A. :ROMAN HYPOCAUST DISCOVERED .A.T FOLKESTONE IN 1875. DY CANON JENKINS .................. .................. 178 ON A. ROMAN CEMETERY AT EAST HALL, MURSTON, DY MR. GEORGE PAYNE, JUN. .. .... ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... ............ ..... . 1'78 THE KENTISH FAMILY OF LOVELACE, DY THE REV. A, J. PEARMAN ............. ; .................................... , .. , . .. . . . 184 FAVERSHA:M TOWN ACCOUNTS. DY MR, F, F, GIRAUD:- ANNO 88 EDW.All.D L ..... .'........... ...... .... ... ......... ...... 221 DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII, .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. . . .. . .. 288 RYTHE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS FOR '!'HE YEAR 1412-13. DY MR. :MA.OKESON AND MR. SCOTT ROBERTSON ..... , . . . . . . 242 SIR JOHN SCOTT'S ACCOUNT OF HIS RECEIPTS AND EXPEND!• TURE DURING 1468-1466, DY MR. JAMES It. SCOTT, F.S,A, 250 THE SCOTT MONUMENTS IN 'BRA.BOURNE CHURCH. DY MR, JAMES R, SCOTT, F.S.A, ............................ ...... .'....... 259 THE CHARTERS OF '.MONKS HORTON PRIORY, BY YR, JAMES R. SCOTT, F,S,A, ... :..... ... . .. ... . .. . . . ... .. . .. . .. . ... .. . ... . . . . . . ... . . . 269 INVENTORIES OF PA.RISH CHURCH GOODS, IN KENT, A,D, 1552 (continuetlfrom, VOL. Ix.) ............... ............ ... ... ...... 282 THE SAXON CEMETERY AT l3IFRONS. BY MR, T. G. GODFREY· FAUSSETT, F,8,A, . , , .... , . , . , .................... , . , , .............. , 298 DOCUMENTS FROM TlIE ARClIIVES OF OlIRIST OJIUROH, OAN· TERDURY. DY MR, R, C, HUSSEY, F,S,A, . , .. , , . . . . . . . . . 816, 824 :MISOELLA.NEA. ....... , , .... ., ............. ; .. , , .. , ................. , , . . .. . 820 FRILIPOTT'S VU!IT.A.TION OF KENT IN 1619 :- THE DERING PEDIGREE, EDITED BY DR, J, J, ROW.A.RD AND THE REV. FRANCIS HASLEWOOD . ; .. .. . . . .. .. .. . .. 827 .ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA FOR VOLS, VIII, AND IX, ......... , . . 852 INDEX ..................................................................... 858 Ground Plan of Lyminge Basilica and Ohuroh . . . . . . . . . to face p. cii §Halfpenny Token issued by Edward Franklin of Folkestone cxxvii *Exterior of Brabourne Ohurch. ....................................... 1 *North Chancel Door of Brabotirne Ohurch .. . .. . ... . . . ...... ... 3 *Norman Vaulting Shaft iri the Ohancel of Brabourne Church 4 *Heart Shrine in Brabourne Ohurch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to face p. 6 . *Dulcecor Abbey ....... ;................................................. 7 *Interior of the Ohancel in Brabourne Ohurch, shewing Sil: John Scott's tomb ......... ............ ............ ... ... to face p. 8 *Exterior of the Chancel of Brabourne Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Rouse of the Ske:ffingtons at.Tunbridge . .. ...... ... ......... ...... 39· Interior of Elbam Ohurch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Sections of Mouldings in Elham Church ... ............. , . . . . . . . . . . 47 North .A.isle of the Nave in Elham Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Wall-painting in Rochester Cathedral ....- ......... ....... to face p. 71 Roman Pottery from Hoo ............... • ...... : . . . . . . . . . . . to face p. 75 Carved Ohest in the Church at Harty . .. .. . .. . . . . .. . . . . to face p. 78 West Front of Horton Priory .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 81 West End of Horton Priory.Obapel .................. ......... ...... 84 Mouldings on West Doorway of·Horto:a Priory Chapel......... 85 Obimney-piece at Horton Priory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to face p. 87 Painted Panel of Ceiling formerly existing in Horton Priory 88 Window in Horton Priory . . . . . .. .. .. . .. .. . . . . . .. .. .. .. .. .. toface p. 90 Medimval Window Shutters ......... _..... .. .. . . .. . . .. .. .. .. . .. .. . .. . 02 _Plan of Remains of a Roman Villa near Maidstone... 'to face p. 164 Plan of Site of Roman Hypocaust'at Folkestone ... to face p.174 Plans of the Roman Hypocaust at Folkestone .. .. .. to face p. 1 '75 .Pottery from Roman Cemetery at Ea􀖵t Rall in Murston ... ... 179 ,, ,, ,, ,, 180 Six .A.rmorfa..l Shields of the Lovelace Family . . ..... .. to face p. 193 The Greyfriars, Canterbury . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 *Monumental Brass of William Scot in Brabourne Church • to face p. 261 *Monumental Brass of Lady with flowing hair . . . . . . to face p. 262 .*Monumental Brass to Sir William Scott, in Brabourne • Church .. . .. . .. . .. . ... .. . . .. ... .. . .. . .. . .. . . .. .. . ... .. . . .. to face p. 264 § This woodcut was kindly presented to the Society by 11:Ir. J. Stone Smallfield. * Engraved woodblocks for all the illustrations marked with an asterisk, have been genei·ously pre.􀖶.􀖷nted to the Society by James R. Scott, Esq., F.S.A. Vlll ILLUSTRATIONS. ' . *Monumental Brass to Lady Poyninges, in Brabourne Ohurch to face p. 264 Bronze stud . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 802 Glass drinking cup ..................................... ,.... to face p. 302 Two keys, a bronze pin, a buckle, and brooch . . . . . . . . . to face p. 303 Perforated spoon, crystal ball, bracelet, hammer-shaped and circular brooches....................................... to face p. 303 Bronze buckle, a bronze stud, two ring-shaped brooches; and a bronze ornament inlaid with gla.ss and enamel...... . . .. . . . . . 304 Rectangular brooch, two hammer-shaped brooches, and a circular brooch.............................. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 305 Ring-shaped brooch, perforated glass bead, and hammer-shaped brooch with radiations............................................. 306 Gold wire, a buckle, and a belt ornament of bronze silvered . . . 8e J!DuJtrtd. H. B. MAOKESON, ESQ. , , . , . . . Hytlte. 3E!lle af 􀄉beiipev tl!U1.itrftt. REV. A. J, PE.A.RM.AN • . . . • . , Rainlta1ri,, Sittvngbown􀉯. :IE.fJle of etban.et .ffl£!.ltrfct. G. .Ill. HANNAM, ESQ. . . . Bromstone HO'Use, Romi,sgate. J£onl:ron .. Mn, SM.ALLFllilLD . • • • • • • • • 32 University St1roet, w.o. ;f¾!laflJ.fJtone ;JD£!.ltrfct. HERBERT MONCKTON, EsQ. . • . • • Maiitstono. ;Mallfug 1D£!.ltrtct. REV, J. A. BOODLE , • • , , . • West MalZi1ig. SOCIETIES IN UNION. §!rm 31ulmttty Jl9iRttid. JOHN HUMPRERY, ESQ, , • , • . . . New Ro111,ney. 1t.o'qiester IHRtdtt. G. B. AOWORTH, ESQ., •F,S.A. . . . . . St«11• -Hill, Rocl,ester. -!,miamfcl) i3i.Stdct. REv, W. F. SHAW . . . , . . • , lJJa-stry. !,tb.ernudtn ilEHRttitt. GEORGE F. CARNELL, ESQ. . . . . . Scvenoal11J, 􀏚£ttfng)jou1.-11e: ffi{Rttid. GEO. p AYNE, ESQ,, JUNIOR . . • . • . Sitting'botwnc. m:e:utedJ.en .lliRtt'ftt. REV, S. 0. TRESSE BEALE , . . . , . Te1zte1•don, er:1mllril:r.n.e- JIBfottict, _ J. F. W.A.DMORE, ESQ. . . . . . . . Tun,'bi•idge. 􀏛tmllrttrge: merrn J!Eli1Jtrfct. CRAI!.LES POWELL, EsQ, , . . , • . Bp􀏜ldlm1rst,. Twn,ol'idge Woll&. 'i!lmt.!ittq)ltnt ;J!ltdtrid. J, BOARD, ESQ. . . . . . . Weste1'7umn. SOCIETIES IN _UNION. FM' InlM'clumge of Publications, et.:. The Royal Axchreological Institute of Great Britain, The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. The Axcbitectu:ral Museum, South Kensington Museum. w. The Numismatic Society. The London and Middlesex: Axchreological Society. The Historic Society of Cheshi.J:e and Lancashire. The Kilkenny .and South-east of Ireland Archreological Society, The Lincoln Diocesllll. Architectural Society. The Norfolk and Norwich Archreological Society, The Suffolk Institute of Archroology. The Surrey .Axchreological Society. The Sussex Axchmological Society. The Wiltshi.J:e Axchreological and Natural History Society. Societe Archeologique de Dunkerque. The Society of Antiquaries, Normandy. The Society of Antiquaries, Picardy, The Society of Antiquaries, Poitiers. The Abbeville Society of Emulation. xiii 1. The Society shall consist of Ordinary Members and Honorary Members. 2. The affairs of the Society shall be conducted by a Council consisting of the President of the Society, the Vice-Presidents, the Honorary Secretary, and twenty-four Members elected out of the general body of the Subscribers: one-fourth of the latter shall go out annually by rotation, but shall nevertheless be re-eligible ; and such retiring and the new election shall take place at;the Annual General Meeting: but any intermediate vacancy, by death or retirement, among the elected Council, shall be filled up either at the General Meeting or at the next Council Meeting, whichever· shall first happen. Five Members of the Council to constitute a quorum. 8. The Council shall meet to transact the business of the Society on the second Thursday in the months of March, June, September, and December, and at any other time that the Secretary may deem it expedient to call them together. The June Meeting shall always be held in London; those of March, September, and December, at CanterblJl'y and Maidstone alternately. But the Council shall have power, if it shall deem it advisable, at the instance-of the President, to hold its meetings at other places within the county; and to alter the days of meeting, or to omit a quarterly meeting if it shall be found convenient. • 4. At every Meeting of the Society or Oouncil, the President, or, in his absence, the Chairman, shall have a ea.sting vote, independently of his vote as a member. 5. A General Meeting of the Society shall he held annually, in July, August, or September, at some place rendered interesting by its antiquities or historical associations, in the eai!tern and western divisions of the county alternately, unless the Oouncil, for some cause to be by them assigned, agree to vary this arrangement ; the day and place of meeting to be appointed by the Council, who shall have power, at the instance of the President, to elect some :rμember of the Society connected with the district in which the Meeting shall be held, to act as Chairman of such Meeting. .A.t the said General Meeting, antiqui!ies shall be exhibited, and papers.read on.subjects of archreolog1cal mterest. The accounts of the Society, having been previously allowed by the Auditors, shall be presented; the Council, through the Secretary, shall make a Report on the state of the Society ; and the Auditors and the six new Members of the Council for the ensuing year shall be elected. 6. The Annual Gene1·al Meeting shall have power to make such alterations in the Rules as the majority of Members present may . a:pprove : provided that notice of any contemplated alterations be given, in writing, to the Honorary Secretary, before June the 1st in the then current year, to be laid by him before the Council at their next Meeting; provided, also, that the said contemplated alterations be specifically set out in the notices summoning the Meeting, at least one month before the day appointed for it. 17. A Special General Meeting may be summoned, on the written requisition of seven Members, or of the President, or two Vice-PreRULES A.ND R:􀀐GULATIONS. xv sidents, which must specify the subject intended to be brought forward at such Meeting.; and such subject alone can then be considered. 8. Candidates for admission must be proposed by one Member of the Society, and seconded by another, and be balloted for, if required, at any Meeting of the Council, or at a General Meeting, one black ball in five to exclude. 9. Each Ordinary Member shall pay an Annual Subscription of Ten Shillings, due in a-dv:ance on the 1st of January in each year; or £5 may at any time be paid in lieu of future subscriptions, as a composition for life. Any Ordinary Member shall pay, on election, an entrance fee of Ten Shillings, in addition to his Subscription, whether Annual or Life. Every Member shall be entitled to a copy of the Society's Publications; but none will be issued to any Member whose Subscription is in arrear. The Council may remove from the List of Subscribers the name of any Member whose Subscription is two years in arrear, if it be certified to them that a written application for payment has been made by one of the Secretaries, and not attended to within a month from the time of application. 10. All Subscriptions and Donations are to be paiioh). . . l 10 0 Smallfield, Mr. (Londo1􀗳) . . . . . 125 4 6 Spurrell, F. C. J., Esq. (JJa1tfo1•d) 8 0 0 Thurston, T., Esq. (.Aslifo1't1,) . . . 5 0 0 Wadmore, J. F., Esq. (Pwnb1-idge) . 20 0 0 464 9 6 13 2 4 1874. -£ s. d. Further cost of .Axchreologia Cantiana, VoL IX.:- Printers . . . 297 13 10 Engraver . . . . 28 6 6 Lithographers . . , 68 7 0 Index . . . . . 5 5 0 Maidstone Expenses :- . . Co rporation of Ma.idstone,for Seven Years' Rentof Rooms, from Oct. 1857 to·oct. 1874 . . . . . .· . . . .Assistant Secretary's Salary, one year to Michaelmas . Porter's Wages, one year to Michaelmas . . . . . . Furniture, Books, Binding, Stationery, Printing, Carriage of Parcels, Postage, etc. . . . . . . . . . . J. Gibbs' Bill for Printing Tickets and Circulars for Faversham Meeting in 1872 . . . . . . . Expenses of Folkestone Meeting (1874) :- Printing and Postage of Circulars and Tickets . 7 7 6 Rev. A. L. Hussey, Expenses a.t Folkestone . 2 14 6 London Secretary, Petty Cash Expenses . Honorary Secretary, Petty Cash Expenses Balance at the Bankers, Dec. Slat, 1874 :Messrs. Wigan, Mercer, and Co. . . Messrs. Hammond and Co. . . . . . 176 17 1 . 202 14 1 Or. £, s. il. 889 12 140 0 40 0 10 0 16 8 4 14 10 2 4 14 12 1 4 0 0 0 4 6- 0 0 6 379 11 2 529 12 0 £1007 3 10 £1007 S 10 Feb. 26th, 1876. Examined and approved, ls::!i.,.n<>,'I\ RT0."R" A Rn ffFr A FI. "R"TTl'!FllllV. A•uUi:n,,•. KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. Balance-Skeet of ...4.ccmmts frO'lli Jam,ua1-y 1st to IJecC'lnocr 81st, 1875. IJr. 1875. £ s. d. :Balance in hand at the Bankers, Dec. 81st, 187 4 :- Messrs. Wigan, Mercer, and Co. . . . . . 176 17 1 • Messrs. Hammond and Co, . . . . . . . 202 14 1 Dividends on Stock, one year . . . . , . , . . . . Annual Subscriptions and Arrears, Life Compositions, Entrance Fees, Receipts for the illustration Fund and for Volumes, etc. :- Remitt.ed direct to the Bankers . . . . . 152 12 O Remitted through the following Local Secretaries :- .Axnold, G. M., Esq. ( 0-ravesend) . 11 4 6 .Astley, Dr. (IJ01Je1•) ." • . . . . . 25 9 0 Carr, Rev. T. A. ( Oranb-rook) . . 9 HI 6 Giraud, F. F., Esq. (Faverska11􀗀) . U O 0 Hannam, G. E., Esq. (Tkanet) . . 17 10 0 Ilott, J. W., Esq. (B1·omley). . . 6 7 9 Lightfoot, the late Mr. (Maidstone) . . 2 5 0 Pearman,Rev.A.J.(llainhani,h%eppey) 2 10 0 Powell, c., Esq. (T-11111,m•iilge Welk) . . 18 o o Robertson, Rev. W. A. Scott. . . 14 17 0 Shaw, Rev. Frank (Sam,a'Wick) • . l 10 0 Small.field, Mr. (Londtni) . . . , 69 8 0 Thurston, T., Esq. (Aslifgical Institute. Four new members were elected. PROCEEDINGS, 1874. xliii Thanks were voted to Mr. J eaffreson for his paper on " The Castle Hill/' and for much help at the Folkestone meeting; to Rev. A. L. Hussey for the great trouble kindly taken by him in the issuing of tickets for the cai-riages and for the dinner ; to the Mayor of Folkestone for the use of the Town Hall; to Canon Jenkins for his papers read at the meeting; to Mr. R. Cannon of Sandgate for much help with the Museum; to Major Kirkpatrick for his generous hospitality at Horton Park ; to Revs. M. Woodward, W. Wodehouse, G. B. Perry, and Dean Mantell, Sir G. Scott, Mr. C. Baily, Mr. J. R. Scott, and Mr. Bedo; for help, kindness, and courtesy during the meeting; to Mr. F. C. Brooke for copies of lithographic etchings of the Cobham brasses; to Mr. C. Roach Smith for a copy of his '' Ru1·al Life of Shakespeare;" to the two railway companies for privileges granted to the Secretary and members. The Council then adjourned until the 4th of December, when they met again in the Society's rooms at Maidstone. Seven members were present, with Earl Amherst in the Chair. The courteous reply of the Royal Archreological Institute • having been read, it was resolv.ed that a Special Gen'eral J\11:eeting be summoned for the purpose of so altering the rules • of the Kent Archreological Society, !l,S to admit of the Annual General Meeting being held in the same division of the county during two successive years, if the Council think fit. This alte1·ation would be necessary before the Society could amal􀂭 gamate with the Institute in a visit to East Kent during 1875. ( xli-v ). THE CASTLE HILL, FOLKESTONE. BY MR. W. J. JEA.FFRESON, Ou& learned Secretary, in his printed programme has cut, so to speak, the very ground from beneath my feet, by telling you in half a dozen WOl'ds almost all that can be said, with certainty, as to the interesting remains amidst which we are standing. The name which they popularly bear is Cresar's Camp, but I think I am right in saying that no serious writer on Kentish antiquities makes use of that name. In Lambarde, Hasted, and Ireland you will find the spot mentioned as Castle Hill-a more vague but not more satisfactory appellation. If there is nothing beneath our feet but the earthworks which we see, an.d we have no right to assume that there is anything else, then nei􀄃her from the form, position, and size of these entrenchments, nor from any documentary or traditiona.ry evidenc􀄄 of any· value, nor from any remains found on or near to the spot, can any one reasonably conclude that ,ve have Roman work before us, or that the Romans at all-much less Cresar-were ever brought into ac􀄅ual connection with this particular locality. We inhabitants of Kent undoubtedly owe a debt of gratitude to the greatest of Roman commanders- " Kent, in the Commentaries Cresar writ, ·: Ia termed the civil'st place in all the isle." It is something to win praise from Cresa1·, and to have that praise echoed by Shakespeare, but if we may say amicus OCEsar we must, as a scientific body, proclaim magis amica veritas, and confess that we have no trace· of Cresar's handiwork here. Had we been standing amidst the anxious crowd ·gathered, without doubt, on this spot, about a mo􀄆th later than this, in the year 55 B.c., we should ha-ie beheld leas dubious signs of Cresar. At about half-past seven, in the evening of the 26th of August, in that year, it was high water in Boulogne harbom·, and Cresar's fleet, of not less than a hundred sail, dropping down at the end of the flood and the beginning of the ebb, was outside the port, aud ready for the passage of the Channel at midnight or the third watch, four days, as Cresar tells us, before the new moon, which occurred at three in the morning, on the 31st of August. By the fourth hom· on the next day (half-past eight in the morning, at that season of the year) THE CASTLE HILL, FOLKESTONE. xlv Cresar was off Dover, and there rode at anchor, waiting for sixteen cavalry transports, detained by the westerly wind, at Ambleteuse, about eight mi.lea east of Boulogne. As be lay in_ the offing Oresar could plainly observe that the cliffs, on either side probably, were crowded with Keltic 'natives, who, without risk to themselves, could command with their missiles the narrow strip of shingle between the sea and the foot of the chalk, so, seeing it impossible to effect a landing, after a conference on board ship with the legates and tribunes of the fleet, at 3.30 in the afternoon, he weighed anchor. It bad been high water at Dover, at about half-past seven, on August 27th, in the ye.ar 55 B.c., and the tide there, after running east for four hours, would have turned at 11.30, and.commenced its l'lln of six hours to the west. The wind, too, had in all probability shifted with it, so with wind and tide in his favour Cresar dropped down the coast seven Roman miles, and found himself opposite a shelving beach, with the chalk hills receding to some distance from the sea. The distance and description answer very well to Lympne, near Hythe. It was there, if this account be accepted, that Cresar's landing took place, and, as was often the case, at the first landing places of the Romans, a flourishing port sprang up there. ' · But not only am I digressing from my own subject-though the events I have faintly sketched must have occurred within view of the spot where we now stand-I am also trespassing on the ground of our Secretary at Hytbe, who has a rich treat in store for you whenever the Society can arrange to pay him a visit. Leaving Cresar behind, then>let us touch for a moment on the idea borrowed by most Kentish antiquaries from Camden, that this hill was crowned by one of the forts built by Theodosius, at the end of the foul'th century, according to Gildas, along the whole southern coast, to protect Britain against the Saxons, much as the Martello Towers of a later date were raised to protect us from French invasion. There seems ab􀃥olutely no evidence to support this· statement. Neither the Notitia, nor the Itinerary, make any mention of such a station, nor would the shape and position of these remains suggest anything of the character of a Roman fort, to any one not previously possessed with the idea. Lastly, comes a theory which is probably familiar to most of us as being propounded by the compilers of Murl'ay's Handbook, on the authority of Mr. Wright, namely, that this is the site of a Ro!Dan Pharos, or Light-house, such as existed on the Castle height at Dover. I find it atated in Murray, in confirmation of this hypothesis, that xlvi KENT .A.RCH1EOLOGIOAL SOCIETY •. Roman biicks, tiles, and masonry have been found on the spot. All I can say is that neither the relics themselves nor the memory of them have been preserved, so far as I can asce1·tain, in Folkestone. No antiquary mentions them, and Ireland expressly states that not a vestige can be found. Besides, no one looking at these works can imagine that they were raised .for any other than a military purpose. To what origin, then, m􀄒st we ascribe the structures before us? As our leamed Secretary has already told you, the balance of probability inclines strongly towards their being of British or Keltic origin. The Keltic inhabitants of these islands, as well as on the continent, appea1· generally to have built their cottage dwellings (" tuguria ") sepal'ately, and at some distance apa).'t, This accounts for their traces being comparatively rare. Occasionally a number of their abodes was grouped together, and formed what the Roma1,1s called a "vicus," a village community such as is cba1·acte1·istic of early civilisation in most races. Besides these vici, we read in Cresar of" oppida/' which, for want of a better translation, we must call towns. Eminent antiquaries have divided these "oppida" into two classes. 1st. Towns proper, permanent settlen;i.ents, such as Avaricum, Gergovia, Genabnum, Lutetia. These consisted of a number of dwellings surrounded by fortifications of a more or less complete constr1,1ction. Cresar, in the Seventh Book of the Commentaries ( eh. xxiii. ), gives a min1,1te description of the walls of A varicum or Bourges, built of alternate layers of timber 􀄓nd stone, with earth rammed between. It is doubtful whether any structul'es of this kind we1·e·raised by the less civilized Kelts of the north, and we certainly have not a specimen of them here. L􀄔aving these "oppida murata," or" oppida-villes," as De Caumont styles them, we will pas11 to the inferior class of oppida-the " oppida rustica " or " vallata" of antiquariea, though classical writers di-aw no such distinctions. These " oppida" were not inhabited permanently, but served as camps of refuge in the wars between tribe and tribe, or in cases of foreign invasion. The spot upon which we are standing was, in my opinion, occupied by such a camp. The positions selected for works of this kind 􀄕re always of great natural strength, and altogether different from the open level exposed situations on which we find Roman encamp• ments. Favourite sites are an island in a marsh, a peninsula all but cut off by the windings of a river, the junction of two valleys, and perhaps most often a plateau on the top of a nearly isolated hill, such as we have here. Such stations are more frequent in p1·opodion as one moves further north in Gaul, and reaches ground occupied by ruder tribes. There are many simUar remains in northern France, especially THE O.A.STLE HILL, FOLKESTONE. xlvii in the Department of Calvados. At Limes especially, about two miles from Dieppe, exists an entrenchment that some here may have seen, 01· may see in future, which resembles in many respects the one before us. Like this, it is populady called Cresar's Camp-" Le Camp de Cesar." Like this, it is on the coast, but is even nearer, the camp being bounded on one side by the steep chalk cliff. Like this, though on a far larger scale, it is di􀃢ided into two portions, one more elevated, the other lower and of greater extent. Many camps of the same kind have been noticed by French archreologists in Normandy and Picardy, nearly all possessing many features in common with this, and attributed erroneously to a Roman or a Norman origin. In our own country the Herefordshire Beacon may be cited as a most striking example. It shews a double enclosure like this, and occupies a limited space on a hill-top. Caer-Caradoc and Old Sarum niay also be cited. A very celebrated specimen, though not so similar to the camp before us, is that at Ab􀃣·y, in Wilts. All these will be found figured in Knight's "Old England." The dimensions of these camps of refuge would vary according to circumstances. In many cases, as here, the locai featurns must limit the size. Generally speaking, De Caumont considers that they diminish as one moves northward. This is a small example, as it encloses less than two acres ; many are found six, eight, ten times the size. The inner and higher part, the Prretorium it has been strangely called, you wUl observe, is of a more clearly oval shape than the whole enclosure, but its extent is only half as much, the longest diameter measuring about fifty yards. To the south-east, where the hill is steep, the vallation or entrenchment is single, to the east it appears to have been double, and towards the plain on the north it was triple, as is testified by the older antiquaries, though the traces of the third line are somewhat feeble. In many French encampments have been found traces of circular huts, but whether the holes to be seen within these works can be referred to the same purpose I will not attempt to discuss. On the side of the adjoining hill h ave been found undoubted remains of coffins containing human bones, and with them an urn, which belongs to the British Roman period, -and says but little as to the original builders of this monument. I have heard rumours, too, of what was described as a dagger having been found during the excavation of tho reservoir below, but I cannot track out its present possessor. In a mere sketch like this one cannot attempt to bring convincing proofs. De Caumont's plates, which, by the kindness of Canon Jenkins, lie at the Temporary Museum, will help to corroborate my remarks, and by the courtesy of M1·. Bateman xlviii KENT AltCHlEOLOGIOA.L soCmTY. such relics as have been preserved of the burying place above-mentioned, as well as the illustrations of similar camps in Knight's "Old England," will be found at the same place. To set the whole question at rest an inexpensive explo1·ation of the ground is required. Let me conclude my remarks, after begging your kindest indulgence for so crude and imperfect a paper, by trusting that after this meeting public spirit enough may be aroused to undertake the task. ( :x:lix: ) THE CHURCH OF S'r. OSWALD AT ·PADDLESWORTH. BY REV. CANON R. c. JENKINS. THE little church in which we are assembled is said to be the smallest in Kent,* though built upon the highest ground which the Eastern Division of the county presents. It is even less interesting from its early architectural features than it is from its connection, through .the Mother Church of Lyminge, with the most interesting episode of Anglo-Saxon ecclesiastical history, the life of St. 2Ethelburga and the conversion of Northumbria. Both these are represented to us in the name of the northern king to whom it is dedicated, who being by marriage the nephew of 2Ethelburga was justly honoured by her, 01· her immediate successors 􀂹t Lyminge, in the dedication of this ancient chapelry to his memory. No other church in Kent, and probably none in the south-eastern counties genel'ally, records the name of the royal martyr, St Oswald, frequent as is the recurrence of it in the churches of Yorkshire and the ancient kingdom. of Northumbria over which he reigned. The parish of Paddlesworth is undoubtedly alluded to (as I think) in the earliest charter relating to the parish and Park of Lyminge. It confers upon the Abbot Adrian of St. Augustine's ii unum aratrum in quo mina ferri baberi cognoscitur quod pertinebat ad cortem quae appellatur Liminge." t This land is said to "adjoin that of the venerable Presbytet· and Abbot Brytwald," then abbo.t of the monastery of Lyminge. The iron stone which is here so plentiful, and which often has the appearance of lumps of the ore itself, was largely employed by the Romans and their Saxon successors, and the quantity of slag and refuse of iron-working which we :find but'ied under the earth, or built into the ancient foundations, at Lyminge shews us that whatever metal could be extracted from it was turned to good account, by both these successive owl).ers of the soil. Doubtless the foundation of a chapel followed up the possession of this new property, at a very early date, and either the monastery of St. Augustine or that of Lyminge, to which at some * Its length is only 47¾ feet (the nave being 83½ feet long, and the chancel 14¼ feet). Its breadth i􀁮, in the nave 17¼ feet, and in the chancel 10¼ feet. The thickness of the wall is 2 feet 8 inches. t Kemble Cod. Dipl. cart XXX. July, A,D, 689. 1 KENT ARCH.2EOLOGIOAL SOCIETY. period before the Conquest (probably by exchange or purchase) the donation of Oswyn had devolved, provided in this manner for the spiritual wants of those who were engaged in the work which is here indicated. .At the period of the Conquest, Paddlesworth manor was one of the appendages of the manor of Lyminge, as was also that of Stanford. The two appendages are thus described in Domesday :- • " Of this manor (Leminges) three tenants of the archbishop hold two " sulings and a half, and half a yoke, and have there five carucates in demesne and twenty villeins with sixteen borderers, having five c.arucates and a half, and one servant, and two mills of seven shillings and six pence, and forty acres of pasture. There is a wood for twelve hogs. There are two churches. On the whole it was worth eleven pounds." In the interesting contempo1·ary record in the register of the Monastel'y of Chl'ist Church not only are these two manol's described, but the names of their tenants are added. " Of these ( i. e. the seven ' sulings' of the manor of Lyminge) Rodbertus the son of Watson holds two sulings as a tenant (in feodo ), and Robertus de Hardl'es holds in like manner half a suling, and Osbertus Pasfora, half a yoke." Here we have the exact "two sulings and a half, and half a yoke" of Domesday, and are led to conclude from the proportion of the two parishel! and manors, that while Rodbertus was the tenant of Stanford, Robertus de Hardres and Osbertus Pasfora held the smaller estate of Paddlesworth. In the process of time both these manors and parishes were detached from the principal manor, and only the ecclesiastical ties remained. One of these was recently broken by the formation of Stanford into a separate rectory. Paddlesworth is still an appendage to Lyminge. In the subsequent century the manor appears to have fallen into the hands of the great Norman family of the Criols, Lords of W estenhanger, whose devotion to the newly founded monastery of St. Radigund of Bradsole in Polton (1191) led them to endow it with a. farm at Paddlesworth, which remained in the possession of that house till the dissolution. I conceive that to the monks of this foundation, during their temporary residence he1·e, may be ascribed the one or two features, of a highei: architectural aim1 which contrast so strongly with· the primitive rudeness of the more ancient parts of this little chui·ch. The patronage of the Criols might have contributed to these improvements, while the numerous small bequests which were left to it during the fourteenth and :fifteenth centuries preserved it from ruin or decay. '.rhese I shall briefly mention, before I draw your atfontion to the architectural, or rather masonic, features which indicate so clearly a foundation before the Conquest. PADDLESWORTH CHURCH. In 1459, Robertus Regge after directing his burial "in the cemetery of the church of St Oswald in Padelesworth leaves 205 to the high altar, and 38 4d to the repair of the church." In 1484:, John Graunt after similar directions leaves a ewe-lamb to the light of the B. Virgin, and a bequest to the chapel of Padlesworth. In the same year Simon Wilmington makes similar bequests to the church of St. Oswald de Pedilsworth. But among seve1·al others (more or less interesting) none of these ancient wills is so characteristic as that of John Barnesdale, written in English in 1526 :- " Fh-st, I bequeath my soule to Almighty God, to our blessed Lady St Mary, and to all the company of bevyn, my body to be buried in the churchyard of Padelesworth. Item, I bequeatμe to the high altar the1•e for my tytbes or oft'rynge forgotten xxd. Item, I bequeathe towards the making of the new image of St Oswald in the same church v􀄃. Item, I will my executors do for my soule in the parish church of Padelesworth the day of my burying a dirige and iii. masses ; at my monthesmynde, a dirige with iii. priests(?) and v. masses; and at· my yeresmynde a dirge with iii. priests and v. masses on the morrow. And I will that every one of the said two daies, that is to say my monthes day and my yeresmynde, there be bestowed among the poor people·there a shepe0bake in pasties, and as much brede and drinke as shall serve to the eting of the saide shepe. And I will that there be doone for my soule xx. years next after my decease in the forsaid church dirige and masse every year. . Item, to a secular priest to sing in the same church for my soule and all my friends soules, by the space of one hoole year x. mares-and to the reparacion of the chm·ch there v. mares-and to palying in of the churchyard xia, and all the residue to be spent every yea.1· in an obit, as shall be thought necessary in equal porcions within the said church of Padelisworth for the health of my soule and of all Christian soulesand not only an obit but in other good deedes which shall be thought needful to be doone in the forsaid church of Padullesworth." These religious offices ( as I gather from the will of J obn Brett of Lyminge in 1464) were gladly undertaken by the neighbouring canons of St Radigund. The " new image of St Oswald" doubtless perished in the storm of the Reformation, but its base remains still on tbe side of the altar closely adjoining the early piscina, to which I would direct your attention. There is an Elizabethan date carved or rather scratched on the former, probably indicating the date of the destruction of the image. The ancient chalice, which exactly resembles, in Iii KENT ARCH1EOLOGICAL SOCIETY. miniature, that at Lyminge, is withou.t doubt of the same date, 1578. But before we pass from these historical illustrations of the building to the actual features it presents to the eye, an incident which happened in the fourteenth century during the al'chbishopric of Is1ip may well detain us for a moment. A certain woman named Sarah Cole (from whose family, probably, the farm adjoining the church derives its name) had died in Paddlesworth, and was buried in that chapel in prejudice of the rights of the mother church of Lyminge. Accordingly an appeal was add1·essed to the Archbishop, and a final decree read in the church of Maidstone (where he was probably then i·esident) by John de Somerley, who is styled· " Auditor and Commissary of the Court of Audiences of causes and actions of the Lord Archbishop," to the effect that "the body of Sarah Cole should be exhumed by the parties against whom the action was brought (Robert Smith and William Pilcher of the hamlet of Paddles worth), and at their own proper charges should be brought to the church of Lyminge and there buried." This occurred in 1352. This illustrates the fact that baptisms and burials were limited at this time to the mother church, and that the remarkable stone which now supports the font ( a mere modern addition) bad no connection with any original baptismal place or with a rite ·which here, until recent times, had no exercise. It should be borne in mind that baptismal churches both in town and country were not numerous in the earliest period, ana that the privilege of baptism was rarely or ever possessed by any but churches of the highest rank.* I may now draw attention to the structural features of the church which illustrate these 1·emarks :- The little round-headed windows consisting e:x:.ternally of only three stones, and having a double (though unequal) splay, the long-and-short work you have doubtless observed in the quoining of the nave and chancel, the wide-jointed masonry, if masonry it can be called, suggestive of the earliest period-these and many other features taken in connection with the known history of the church, and further illustrated by the fact that its wild and remote situation protected it more than any of the neighbouring places from the Danish inroads, must lead to the belief that the little church in which we stand belongs to a period anterior to the Conquest ; while its dedication to St. Oswald, a name which the Normans could have never known, and involving a claim of sanctity which they would have never recognised, proves that it was in exist- • Martene de .A.ntiqms Ecclesire Ritibus, lib. i., art. ii., c. 16, P .A.DDLESWORTH CHURCH. lili ence prior to the great survey which itself ( at least in Kent) represents the ecclesiastical state of the period of the Confessor rather than that of the days of the Conqueror. The rude round opening at the side of the chancel arch, evidently a hagioscope or squint, will not _escape the attention of those present, who may also remark the sockets. for candles 'in the _stones of the windows, formerly the depositolies of the many_ lights which once illustrated the church. The South door, (which was engraved in the now rare prospectus of Mr. Streatfeild's projected history,) is probably of the same date as the choir of Canterbury Cathedral. It is a feature of peculiar, interest, though at least a century later than the north door, which belongs to the early Romanesque period. I may mention, in conclusion, that during the • reparation and restoration of the church a year 01· two ago, frag!llents of a Norman arch were found in the west wa.11, which was of a later date, apparently, than the 1·est of the building, and in a very ruinous state; while under the church, nearly in the centre of the nave, an immense stone was found without date or inscription, under whi!,lh at some depth, in the sandy seil below, was a massive. oak coffin, portions of which were very sound, but to what period or person' it belonged there was not the slightest indication. The restoration, faithfully and loyally c.arried out by our diocesan architect, Mr. Cla1·ke, in a true antiqual'iaxi. spirit, elicited the strongest expressions of approval from my late friend Sir William Tite when he visited the church immediately after ita completion. VOL. :X. e ( liv ) CHURCH OF ST. MARY AND ST. EANSWITH, FOLKESTONE. BY W, .A.. SCOTT ROBERTSON. THE first church, built npon this site, seems to have been founded by William de .Averenches, during the year which followed the death of .Archbishop William Corboil; that is in 1139. The deed,* by which William de.Averenches granted this church to the monks of Folkestone, recites that, in the yeal' 1095, Nigel de Muneville and Emma his wife, for the welfare of their own souls, and of the souls of the wife's parents: William de .Archis ( or Arques) and Beatrix his wife, gave to the Abbey of St. Mary at Louley, and to Ranulph, its Abbot, the Church of St. Mary and St. Eanswith of Folkestone, which stood within the Castle precincts. Respecting this new church, upon the present site, William de .Averench􀃸s adds that, of their own free will, the monks of Folkestono desired to remove from the place within the Castle, whore they bad been founded, to a certain new church which he had given them, and to a certain place (that is the new Priory) next to that church. With the ancient Nunnery founded, according to Tanner, in A.D. 630, at Folkestone, this church has no connection whatever, beyond its partial dedication to St. Eanswith. Whether the Nunnery was, or was not, founded so early as 630, it seems certain, according to Spelman, that it was in existence in A,D, 694, when the council of Bcccanccld was held. The convent is mentioned in the Saxon will, dated A,D. 885, of Abba the Reeve. t He therein directs that his body shall be bmicd at Folkestone, to which he leaves 10 oxen, 10 cows, 100 ewes, and 100 swine. He likewise leaves to the convent 50 pence, provided his wife should obtain admission therein, either with his body or afterwards. .A further clause directs that whoever shall possess his lands shall give, annually, to the convents of Folkestone and Lyminge, 50 ambers of malt, 6 ambers of groats, 3 weys of bacon and cheese, and 400 loaves, 1 ox, and 6 sheep. What became of the Folkestone convent is matter of great doubt. Capgrave, in his ' Life of St. Eanswith,' says the Nunnery was swallowed up by the sea. In Twysden's 'X. Scriptores,' however, we a1·e told that it was desti·oyed # Dugdale's 'Monasticon,' vol. iv., pp. 678•4-, t Thorpe's 'Diplomatarium,' pp. 4-10•1, FOLKESTONE CHURCH. by the Danes. This statement is supported by the only documentary evidence that remains. A charter, granted by King .A.thelstan to Christ Church, Canterbury, in .A.n. 927, mentions that the Nunnery had been destroyed by the Heathen*(" antequam pagani destruxissent locum illum ,,), At a11 events the destruction, whether wrought by the sea, or by the Danes, had taken place long before. the Domesday Survey, or the N 01·man Conquest. The :five churches mentioned by th􀆝 Domesday Survey, when it describes William de Archis' property of Fulchestan, were, as Hasted has very properly pointed out; not in the town, nor in the present parish. They were those which then existed within the limits of the Honour, or Barony, of Folkestone. The· extent of that Honour is proved by the enumeration, in Domesday, of no less than ten knights who held lands, within the 1:Ionour, from William de Arques ( or Archis) its Lord. The five churches may p1·obably have been those of Folkestone, .A.lkham, Mauregge, now dalled Capel, Hawkinge and Cheriton. There was but one church at Folkestone in A.D. 1291, when the 'Taxatio' of Pope Nicholas IV. was made, and that was certainly the existing Church of St. Mary and St. Eanswith. Of the original church built upon this site, in A.n. 1.139 accordins to the charter already cited, no remains can be pointed out. .Although the charter of the . founder is cited from a 1·ecord of so late a date as the fourth year of Henry IV., it is particular in connecting the William de Averenches, who first built upon this site, with John Bishop of Rochester, who acted as custodian of the tempora1ities· of the See of Cante1·bmy, upon the death of .Archbishop Corboil, in 1138. Otherwise we might fairly be inclined to believe that the builder of the first church, on this site, was the last William de Averenches. He lived in the time of King John, from whom he obtained confirmation of the grant of a weekly market here, which had been previously accorded to Jeffrey Fitz. Peter. Certainly the a1·chitecture of the existing chancel proves that it was either built, or renewed, in the 13th century, and possibly during the lifetime of the last William de Avei·enches. About forty years after this church is said to have been founded here, the incumbent of Facheston (who w􀆞s also parson, of Langport in Lydd) was ordel'ed to pay to Lewes Priory th·e sum of 40s. for Bul'ial Fees. This order made by Richard, Archbishop of Cante1·bury, and Pope .Alexander III., is recorded in the Lewes Chartulnry. The Rev. Arthur Hussey, in his 'Notes on the Churches of Kent and * Dugdale'a 'Mon11sticon,' iv., 678. e2 lvi KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, Sussex,' states that this" Fachestone" must be identical with Folkestone. The old lancet windows of the chancel, its clerestory lights now ,. blocked up, its two aumbries, ( each tall and rectangular, with a vertical mullion dividing its aperture,) and the small piscina, all seem to belong to the early English period, or thirteenth century. Possibly they were here when King John worshipped in this church, during May 1216. These marked feature􀄼 of the chancel, together with the form of the pillars and arches of its two ·short arcades, prove that if the church was built in the 12th century, its eastern po1·tion must have been altered during the 13th, when the chancel aisles were built. Of the Early English chancel aisles nothing l'emains but the two arcades; it is evident that the outer walls were rebuilt at a later period, but probably upon the old lines. The pillars and piers of these chancel arcades are of ragstone, their shafts are round, and their " a crochet" capitals are plainly, almost roughly, ornamented with broad leaves terminating, at their upper ends, in projecting knobs. The hardness of the· stone is sufficient to account for ,the lack of elaboration in the work; caps of the same design a1·e to be seen in the chancel arch of W estcliff Church. What occurred to the enlarged church, or to its incumbent, we do not know, but at the end of the 13th century, or in the first years of the 14th, a sequestration was issued against it, by Archbishop Winchelsey.* A few years later, on the 6th of the Ides of February 1323, Archbishop Reynoldst admitted Peter de Steoke to the benefice, upon the nomination of the Prior of Folkestone. This vicar was probably a near relation of the then Prior, Robert de Stocheus, to whom on the 11th of January 18 Ed. IL (1325) the custodians during war of the goods of Alien Priories (Wm. de Cotes and Stephen de Helham) delivered certain property, according to his Majesty's 1·oyal command. These goods:j: comprised, inter alia, a silver chalice worth 13s. 4d.; 2 pairs of vestments each worth 5s. ; 1 Portiforium worth 5s. ; 2 Psalters worth 2s. each; • 4 beds worth 4s. each ; 1 horse worth 2 marks; and sundry kinds of live and dead stock. ';rhis fact proves that Dugdale§ was in error when he said that Folkestone Pl'iory escaped the usual seizure, made by the Crown, of all the • prope1-ty of !\.lien Cells, whenever war broke out between England and France. * Winchelsey's 'Register,' 176 b. t Reynolds' 'Reg.,' 251 b. :J: 'A.lien Priory Records,' -t:i· 22 j., in Public Record Office. § 'Monasticon1' iv.􀄽 67􀄾, FOLKESTONE CHURCH: I-vii The l'ecord shews that the goods of this Priory were seized when wal' broke out, and restored when peace was established. Further evidence of the same fact is found in the Registers of the Archbishops of Cantel'bury. In !slip's '.Register,' King Edward III. is, on four occasions, mentioned as patron of this bene:fice, and on the first of them the reason is clearly .stated. On the 6th of the kalends of Jnne 1351, William Corner was admitted to this benefice upon the presentation of " King Edward, the temporalities of the :Priory of Folkestone being in his hand owing to the war."* The King (Richard II.) was likewise patron in 1385 when, on the 21st -January, Robert Newton, Vicar of Newington next Hythe, was admitted to the vicarng􀄟 of Folkesto􀄠e, upon his exchange with John Russell the former vicar. (Courtenay's 'Reg.,' 259 b.) Dugdale's further statement, that Folkestone Priory enjoyed the privilege of choosing its own Prior, and merely paid a small annual contribution to the superior house at Lully, seems to be inconsistent. with entries in the Archiepiscopal .Registers. We there find it recol'ded that on the 8 Kal. Nov. 1361, John Abbot of Loulay pl'esented Jacob of Soissons to be Prior ;t also that on 3 Non. June 1372 Paschal, the Abbot, presented Sampson of Senst (monk of Lully) to l?e Prior of Folkestone, and that Sampson of Sens upon his resignation, in 1376, July 3, acting as Vicar General in England of the Abbey of Lalley, nominated Nicholas Barbarot to be Prior:§ In July 1325 this church was, doubtless, the scene of imposing ceremonies connected with the death, in Folkestone Priory, of' John Salmon, Bishop of Norwich. He had landed at this place, ill, on his return fNm France, and although he was ultimately carried to his own Cathedral church for inte1·ment, most probably his herse would first be erected in this church. A few years later, in 1338, King Edwal'd III. issued an order which affected this and many other· churches upon the coast. The 01·der, dated on the 20th of November, forbade the ringing .of mo1·e than one bell in any church that stood within seven leagues of the sea. The object of such restriction was to provide an easy method of · warning the inhabitants if an enemy should land upon their shores. In * !slip's.' Register,' 256 b. Other A.L ltECORDS OF FOtKESTONE. ixxix adjoining the church, which some of you may see to-morrow. A Cinque Port, deserted by the sea, and its haven choked up with shingle, cannot . present a more desolate aspect t,han . a country town forsaken by its market people, with its market-place covered with straggling. tufts of grass. And such is the town over which, as one of her great manors, the Infanta of Kent once reigned. In the following year Thomas Harvey, the father of the great discoverer of the circulation of the blood, who was then a Jurate, and in 1600 was elected Mayor, was among othe1·s appointed to collect the· ship money, the estimates for which were so doubtful that its collection was put off till they could be clearly seen. At this time an insight is given us t<> the then neglected pool' of Folkestone, in an inventory of the goods of William Wilson, deceased, in 1596, whose effects are thus given in a true auctioneering form :- " The goods of William Wilson late deceased-a badde fetherbeda badde fether pillow-3 sheetes-a badde coverlet-2 pewter dishes! old kettle-priced by Tho5 Kennett, :fisherman, at 14s. 6d," Though money was scarce in these days, and the disbursements of the Corporation are almost always reckoned in shillings and pence, we find that when the Lord Grace of Canterbury preached here, in 1598, five pounds eleven shillings were spent-whether in eating and drinking, or in charitable objects, the record fails to say. In 1600, the Queen's Players again visit Folkestone. Was Shakespeare among them? Did he gain his knowledge of the great cliff, that bem·s his name, during this or any previous visit ? These are questions which our fancy may w:ell revel in, even if our judgment is unable to decide them. At the same time the good Mr. Ha1·vey was engaged in riding several times to Canterbury, to speak with !\fr. Boys, the counsel for the town, to whom the municipality (which always gave its presents in kind) sent a. dish of lobstel's, value 6s. Presently the glorious l'eign of Elizabeth fades on our sight, and the failing light appem·s somewhat grotesquely in the pages of the Assembly-book, having this orief and touching mentio􀅀 :- " Paid for beer when the late Queen (Elizabeth's) funeral was solemnized, 2s." I must now, in order to give better effect to my very fragmentary materials, endeavour to put them into a kind of conventional setting, and ask you to accompany me to the middle of the following century (about the year 1650), and to accept my invitation to spend a long day with me in the Folkestone of that primitive period. I propose to bring together, into one day, in order to preserve the unitieR of my lxxx ·:itENT AlWR.MOLOGicAL SOCIETY. drama, a number of scattered facts which are grouped a1:ound the year 1650, and a few subsequent years, in the annals of the town. The day I shall select will be . the anniversary of the Annunci􀄷tion, on which the Mayors have-from time immemorial been elected. I must premise that the history of a town so quietly situated as this realizes the title which a recent popular memoir has assumed, "The Memorials of a Quiet Life.!' Folkestone had, indeed, at this time a peculiarly quiet life. The political and religious turmoils which raged in its mothertown of Dover had here only a faint and distant echo. Folkestone received its law􀄸 from Dover, from the invitation to the guestling banquets to the strangely contrasted prohibitions against eating flesh during Lent, all which the "Boder," as he is called, brought to the Corporation from the Castle. It appears during the Cromwellian peri°od to have retained its loyalty, for though the Recognizance Books made mention of the Lord Protector from stern necessity, the Assemblybooks mention only the actual year during this period, and I find. in these no allusion to his usurpation. Only two J urates and one or two commoners were displaced in 1660, as "eminently active against his Majesty, or of dangerous principles," on the order being issued for "replacing in the magistracy such as were loyal to his Majesty during the late differences in this nation." And these were removed only for " going away and evading," and the other for "openly refusing to take the oaths of allegiance and· supremacy:'' Among the traces of the Civil War in the Assembly-books I find the following notices :-in 1639, I :find a ietter addressed to the Corporation for the " repressing and punishing the rebellious and traitorous assemblie in Lambeth and Southwark, and for the apprehension of John Orchar, George Seares, William Seltrara, and other rebellious persons." It was not till 1641 that Lambeth Palace was actually attacked, at the instigation of Lilbourne, by the London Apprentices, so that some preliminary tumulti; seem here referred to. In 1640, a letter comes for the apprehending of certain mutinous of the County of Dorset, who, amongst other outrages, did cruelly murder Lieutenant ·Mohun, of Faringdon, in the County of Berks. The same year inti·oduces us to a general muster and ,iew of arms, which foreshadows the coming strife, while two proclamations for the payment of ship-money, which was in arrear, give ominous warning of the terrible events which were 1-ipening. Amid all these troubles, the great beverage of Kent was not neglected, and :fines were exacted for " uttering and selling of beere in stone jugges or cruses, and small pots, unsealled. contrary to the law." Perhaps it was the Mayor's duty to see that what with us is still called MUNICIPAL RECORDS OF FOLKESTONE. lxxxi the " Lowance," should not be shortened by the numerous victuallers who were flourishing in the town, whose houses were reckoned in 1730 at neal'ly thirty in number. And now that we have tided over the period of the Civil War itself, and fallen under the parliamentary rule, and that of ·the " Keeper of the Liberties of England," as he is called at this period, I will renew my invitation to my hearers to spend the long rlay in Folliestone, which these preliminary remarks have, from a chronological neccessity, delayed. I assume the Annunciation Day, in 1650,- to be a bright cheerful morning, inviting U$ to go out to see the night-watch relieved and the day-watch set on. They meet at what is called the place of" Randevowe," in the town, where, at the sound of the dmm, tbe inhabitants assemble, and receive an account of their various watches, wbich have been ca1·ried on along the coasts and in the town: They appear to have hunted in pairs, and to. have kept on their watch for two hours, being relieved at these inte1·vals by other townsmen. I may note that 1650 was the last year of their service, for in 1651 it is announced that the "slight watch, used in this town, shall be forthwith laid down and discontinued, until there be found further cause for taking it up again." This marks the close of the Civil Wa1·1 and the settlement of the new government. Doubtless the return of 'these watchmen to thei1· homes must have made their last " Randevowe " a very pleasant one, and bas probably led to the designation of the street which goes by that name. We pass, now, to the haven in the eastern extremity of the town, in orde.r to watch the boats and crews as they are starting for their fishing expeditions to the south and easter􀅅 coasts, extending from Yarmouth to Scarborough. Eve1·y head of this little fleet appears to have been furnished with pecuniary aid by· the Corporation, to start him and his "companie" on their journey. First come the Yarmouth fishennen, preparing for the summer season ; then those for Scarborough ; then the more venturesome, who are bound to foreign ports, Havre and the North Sea; then, though last not least, _the home-fleet, which takes to the. hook and the net in less distant waters. The contributions to these are called, in the Assembly-books, "Hook-fare" and "Shot-fare "-the nets being shot out into the sea in order to this harvest. From the harbour we ·will proceed to the churchyard, or 1·atber the churchyard-cross, now tumed into a modern sun-dial-t.hen probably retaining its ancient Christian form. A great concourse is gathering round it, and presently the procession of the Mayor, and the Jurates and freemen are summoned by the " brazen borne" ( which you see before you) and which appears to me to have its name inscribed upon lxxxii KENT AIWH1EOLOGICAL SOCIETY. it, in honest confession that it has no claim to represent a more costly metal. The procession forms itself around the croiis, somewhat impeded ( as we may imagine) by the tombstones already gathering round it, the melancholy records of mayors and jurates who had heard the "brazen horne " i n other days. Several sturdy men bring up the chest of the Corporation, for which they rec􀄛ive the munificent gift of fourpence. The common chest is opened, and the records therein (from which I am quoting) are then openly shewed, and the customs of the town distinctly read. Hereupon the commons and freemen depart unto the church to proceed to the election of the Mayor. The office was certainly not a lucrative one, the salary being apparently about £3 10s. But the honour was great ; for I find that the plainest commoner is immediately mentioned as an esquire. But let us pass on amid the joyful sounds of bell-ringing, and a haPP.Y concourse of all the commons-" my good communes and servants," as Lord Olynton termed them-to· the Guildhall, then a very plain edifice, very little resembling the costly building in which we are assembled. Here the more serious business begins, and the office of the Mayor is proved to need all the meekness of Moses, with· much of the wisdom of Solomon, First, a knotty question arises regarding the payment of the members of the Corpol'ation, who each receive sixpence for their attendance and trouble in electing the Mayor. This is given them to spend upon meat and drink, in one of the numerous victualling houses of the town; but some, in thrifty mood, determine .to fast, and take home the sixpence to their wives and families. It was therefore "put to the question whether for the future a freeman, ,vho shall be at the election of Mayor, and doth his service there, shall have his usual allowance of sixpence absolutely, though he do not go to dinner at some of the inns or victualling places of the town, and spend it the saroe day (un:less it be upon the Lord's day), and, in case it be the Lord's day, then to be spent the next day. And by the majority of the voices in the Assembly it was voted in the negative." The victuallers, therefore, carried the day, and the forfeited sixpences contributed, no doubt, to increase their profits. But now a much more serious case presents itself. John Medgett is called upon to take the oath of a J urate, and openly refuses to do so. The Assembly inflict a fine of £5 upon him. He positively refuses to pay, and, adding insult to this great outrage, addresses the Mayor and Council,-" Godfathers, I thank ye," and further said, " Before I come in to be a J urate of this town you shall first put my bead in the stocks," adding these words, as a special compliment to Mr. Mayor, '' If you cannot use me well, pray use me as well as you can." MUNICIPAL RECORDS OF FOLKESTONE. lxxxiii Then, with great naivete, he continued, " If you have set down all that I have spoken, I think I shall not be allowed to be a fitting man." Whereupon, Mr. Mayor, telling him of his trifling and jeering, the said John Medgett further proceeded, saying, ''Over shoes, over boots.'' What was to be done with a man who pro\'ed himself so very hard to gain, and yet ::io much too good to lose? At first the .Assembly was extremely irate, and proposed to imprison him in the town-hall, in the custody of the Sergeant, but as this is cancelled with the pen, it may be supposed that some more prudent members had warned them of the very doubtful legality of the proposal. Finally, it is decided that the fine shall be levied out of his goods and. chattels. Hereupon, a sudden work of conversion ensues. John Medgett returns to a better mindhe takes the oath-the fine is remitted, and the history ends by the .Assembly ordering that " all former passages concerning this business shall be forgol.ten and buried in oblivion," which they most characteristically accomplish, by inserting the entire narrative in all its passages in their public records. Does any one desire to know the future of the 1·ecalcitrant J urate? His proverb, " Over shoes, over boots," was true to the last; for after serving faithfully as a Jurate, he went in for the mayoralty, and, as we should translate it, his " in fot· a penny, in fol' a pound " was verified. Is it not written in these very chronicles that he became "John Medgett, Esqr, Mayor of Folkestone." The defence of the town next claims their attention. Three pieces of ordnance are got from Dover Castle, " for the safeguard and defence of the town in this great time of need.'' Then the matter of the haven again comes up. It was actually choked with shingle, and needs the nerve and sinew of all Folkestone to clear it out. It ia ordered accordingly (I am rather postdating this order, which was given some years before, though probably 1·enewed afterwards), that "towards cleaning and expulsing of the beach from the. haven or harbour, from henceforth upon the call or beat of the drum, or any sufficient warning, all and every householder 􀄵•ithin the said town and liberty, either by themselves, or by some other fit and able person, shall repair to the said harbour, furnished with shovels or other fitting and meet tools or instruments, for the cleaning, scouring, and expulsing of the said beach out of the said hayen, and to bestow their best endeavours, labours, and pains to that end, and to abide and continue their said labour, as the Mayor or his deputy shall conceive to be :fitting and meet." In default, every one is to pay a forfeit of sixpence. Imagine fashionable Folkestone turning out with spades and shovels on such a work as this! The harbour would certainly have presented a singulai• lxxxiv KENT AltCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. spectacle, whether the hquseholders or their deputies undertook this work of "expulsing" the offending beach. Nor was this inanimate foe all that Folkestone had to legislate against. Contrary to what are termed ·the "ancient decrees of the town," hogs and swine, without any overlookers or owners, are permitted " to go up and down the· streets, and forasmuch as the Mayor and J urates do hold it to be an abuse if hogs and swine go about the town without some owner, or his assigns, to follow them," they attach a penalty of fourpence to every offending hog-a penny to gq to the crier, and threepence to the town. But now it is time to 􀃋ccompany the Mayor and his officials to the market-pJace, where he ha:s certain duties to perform, in conjunction with the town Serg·eant. Here an exciting scene occurs. The town Sergeant, one Thomas Spicer, had (as our record tells us) "carried himself, both to the Mayor and Jurates, very saucily, impudently, and coarsely, and had been often told by them that he must not keep his place if he mended not his manners." Mindless of this, the misguided man beards the Mayor in the market-place, who ( as he was a very meek man) at first mildly and· gently told him of his disorderly carriage: willing him to amend his manners both for his own good and for the credit of the town. Mistaken kindness. He now carries himself as bad as formerly, or worse. A vehement altercation ensues. Spicer becomes (as we read) "more violent and virulent than before. Whereupon the Mayor, seeing himself slighted, and the magistrates of the said town so much by their servant disgraced and undervalued,· dismisses him from his office ; on which the said Spicer, in the said market, in a clamorous manner, affirmed that he 􀃌ared not, and that he would and s􀃍ould come into his said place again." It is needless to add that he did not, and that we nnd no further notices of Sergeants rebelling against the Mayor, or fined for swearing, as was the case with this reprehensible official. By this time our day is nearly drawing to an end, and after a turn upon the Lees, then a wild common, with no lodgings to be had, except on the cold ground, and, indeed, lodging-house keeping at this time (probably from the fear of the plague) was a very losing game, and, without the consent of the Mayor, could not be entered upon at all, we will end onr long day, in old Folkeritone, by returning to the Rendezvous, and seeing the nightwatch set on its arduous duties at the sound of the town-drum, retiring to rest in the full persuasion that the three pieces of ordnance from • Dover Castle, and the " slight watch," as it ,yas called in the day when " it was laid down and discontinued/ may well protect us in so MUNIOIPA L RECORDS OF FOLKESTONE. lxxxv well-ordered a town, and among so well-disp?sed a people as Folkestone and the Folkestoners of that or any late1· day. :But a day of much greater danger than that which brought these pieces of .ordnance from Dover dawned upon the town, within the memory, probably, of many whom I am addressing-the year of the thl'eatened invasion from France, the traditions of which in this neighbourhood are still most vivid, and will hardly be effaced from the ininds of the generations to come. We are still told by the more aged among us, of the plans for blocking up the roads with felled timber, and many other last resources of energetic and never-despairing patriotism. But we have al,Ilong the papers of the town-chest a -more definite record of _this season of peril, in the form of returns from every ward into which the borough was divided, of all males of sufficient age to bring anything . into the field, and of every weapon they possessed, fl·om a spade or a shovel to a sword or a gun-for rifles in that primitive age were ou􀃣 of the question. I 1·emember, when I :first came to Lyminge, I. found a sermon of my predecessor, preached at the moment when the invasion was supposed to be imminent, beginning with the gloomy vaticination that perhaps before the next Sunday dawned upon us we might cease to be an indepen4ent nation, and of course drawing a moi·al from our great emergency which was scarcely more salutary then than it would be now, in our day of imagined security, and amid the pel'ils of luxury and prosperity. Possibly the spades and the shoYels, upon which the worthy Mayor of an earlier day relied for " expulsing the beach from the haven,". would have been quite as effective as the miscellaneous weapons, named in the r􀃤turns, would have been for the "expulsing '.' of the foreign invader. VOL. X. g ( lxxxvi ) MEMOIR OF JOHN PHILIPOT, THE HERALD. B:Y w. A. SCOTT RODERTSON. PHILIPOT was born at Folkestone in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, but we cannot disco'\"er the exact year of his birth. The baptismal registers of the parish do not assist us, for the earliest now in existence commences with the year 1635. His father, Henry Philpot, possessed considerable property in Folkestone, of which town he had been Mayor. He was lessee of the rectorial tithes, and was buried in the parish church in 1603. From 􀃎is will, dated in 1602, we learn that his son John was then a boy at school; he was probably born between 1587 and 1592. His mother, Judith Philpot, was a daughter and coheir of David Leigh, servant to the Archbishop of Canterbury. She and the executors of Henry Philpot's will were directed to keep the lad at school, and to pay for his education out of the annual proceeds of eighteen acres of land in Romney Marsh, which the testator had purchased from Robert Gaunt. When his education was tompleted, he was to be apprenticed to an honest man of such trade as the executors thought most fit.'k Upon attaining his majority, he was to xeceive a sum of 􀃏oney equivalent to five years' profits of the said eighteen acres of marsh land. So· long as his mother Judith lived, the sum of £10 per annum was to be paid to him, but upon her deeease the houses and lands in Folkestone which had been bequeathed to her were to pass to her son, John Philipot. To his eldest brother, Thomas,·􀃐 was left a house in which he lived, and leases of the rectorial tithes and parsonages of Coldred t and Folkestone. The will mentions t,􀃑o other brothers of John Philipot, named David and Henry, and one sister, Elizabeth. We may here remark upon the signature adopted by our herald. His father's name was Philpot, but for some reason which he has not left upon record, John Philipot insisted upon inserting an "i " between * In the license for his maniage, dated 24 Dec. 1612, he is styled citfaen and woollen draper of London. t This Thomas Philpot is (like hls father) described as of Shepherdswold as well as of Folkestone. He was a captain, and married Elizabeth daughter and sole heir of Thomas Long, of .Allhallows in Canterbury; by whom he had an only daughter and heir, Judith, who married Gabriel Marsh, captain of one of the King's ships, and had issue living in 1634. t Cold.red adjoins Shepherdswold or Sibertswold, and the Vicarages are con- 1301idated, MEMOIR OF JOHN PHILIPOT. lxxxvil the "l II and "p," thus turning the name into Philipot. Perhaps he purposely r􀄔vived an old form of the name, which occurs repeatedly in the municipal records of Hythe during the 15th century, as" Philipot." This peculiarity of signature is useful as distinguishing him from many other John Philpots, who lived at the same period. Especially useful has it been to me, in proving that he was :g.ot that John Philpot who was a barrister of Gray's Inn, and Mayor of Faversham, in 1616. As Lord Zouch, the Warden of the Cinque Ports, was an active friend of both, it is probable that these two Johns were nearly related. The earliest work of the herald, that I have been able to trace, is a MS. pedigree of the descendant11 of Sir John Philipot, Lord Mayor of London in 1378. His son is therein called " Lord of Philipot Lane, in the right of his ancestors,'' and his representative in the year 1615, when the pedigree was drawn out, was Sir John Philipot ofThruxton, seventh in descent from the Lord Mayor. Our hero is believed to have traced his own descent from this civic dignitary. At the end of the year 1612, John Philipot was married to Susan, only daughter and heir of William Glover, one of the gentlemen ushers daily waiters in the court of James I. Her mother waa daughter of Henry Harlackenden, and her father's b1·other was Robert Glover, the genealogist, who was Somerset Herald. • She surviv:ed.her husband, and lies buried, together with her eldest daughter Susan, i􀄕 the chancel of Eltham Church. The date of Philipot's first appointment, as Blanch. Lion Pursuivant Extraordinary, cannot be ascertained, but upon the 13th November, 1618, he was appointed Rouge Dragon,* one of the fom· actual pursuivants. From a list of the salaries of such officers, extant in Queen Elizabeth's Annual Expense Book,t we find that in the year 1584 Rouge Dragon's salary was £10 per annum. This was probably the fixed value of the office when Philipot held it. Later, in the year 1700, the salary had risen to £20, but at all times the principal income of the pursuivants and heralds must have been derived from fees. By this office be was brought into close connection with William Camden, the antiquary and historian, for whom be entertained p1·ofound respect and esteem. After Camden's death, some of the manusc1·ipts which he had left unpublished were edited by Philipot, as " Remains concerning Britain.'' In 1619 be made a" Visitation of Kent," and upon the title-page * Graat Book, p. 250. Jas. I. State Paper Office, t Peck's Desiderata Ouriosa, p. 62. fJ 2 lxxxviii KENT AROHlEOLOGIOAli SOCIETY. of the MS. he styles himself " Rouge Dra.gon, Deputy and Assistant to Wm Camden, Clarenceux King of Al'ms." This 'Visitation of Kent' has never been published. Dr. Howard has printed a large portion of it ( with copious notes and a.dditions) in '.Archreologia Cantiana,' and we hope that he will eventually complete his valuable edition of the MS. During that year, 1619, _Queen Anne, the consort of James I., was buried in Westminster Abbey. At the funeral ceremony, which took place in Henry VII.'s chapel, Philipot was in attendance, officiating as Rouge _ Dragon Pursuivant.-r.· Two years later, in June, 1621, he assisted at the very remarkable ceremony of the degradation from knighthood of Sir Francis Michell, t an ol!l Justice. Sir Francis had but -very recently been knighted. The cause of degradation was his grievous exactions from public innkeepers and sellers of beer. For these exactions the House of Commons caused Sir Francis Michell to be sent to the Tower, through the city of London, with great disgrace, at the end of January, 1621. On the 5th of May he was brought to trial, and se ntenced to be degraded from knighthood; but the sentence was to be without prejudice to his wife and children. He was lilrnwise fined &1,000, and to be confined in Finsbury Prison during the King's pleasure. Upon the day of his degradation he was brought by the Sheriff􀅴 of London to Westminster Hall about three o'clock in the afternoon. There sat the Commissioners for the office of Ead Marshal, and before them Philipot read the sentence of Parliament against Sir Francis Mich ell. Then commenced the formal ceremony of degradation. The knight's spurs were hacked oft􀅵 and being broken in pieces by servants of the Earl Marshal, were thrown away ; the silver sword was tak􀅶n from his side, broken over the unfortunate knight's bead, and likewise thrown away. Finally, he was pronounced to be no longer a knight, but a knave. Thus ended this most singular and, fortunately, unusual ceremony, and F1·ancis Michell, no longer a knight, was led away to his cell in Finsbury Prison. In the year 1622 a remarkable action ,vas brought against Philipotf in the Court of Common Pleas, by Ralph Brooke, Y 01·k Herald. Brooke sued Rouge Dragon for bis share of the fees given to the heralds and pursuivants, on two great occasions of State ceremonial. One was the First Tilt or Tournament of the Prince of Wales, James I.' s eldest son, who soon afterwards died, during the lifetime of his father. Of • Nichols, Progresses, Jas. I., iii. 639, t Nichols, Prog., Jas. I., iii, 666-7. + State Papers, Dom., J11s, I., vol. cxx."'I:., No, 129'. MEMOIR OF JOHN PHILTPOT. lxxxix this first tilt we have no particulars, but we know that Prince Henry was passionately fond of these entertainments, and that during the last years of his life they increased in number greatly .. The other State ceremonial, for which York Herald claimed a share of the fees, was the funeral of the Queen Consort, of which we have ah·eady spoken. In 1622 the Visitation of Hampshire, and in the following year, 1623, the Visitations of Berkshire and Gloucestershire were completed by Philipot as Deputy of Camden, Clarenceux King of Al'ms. In the last two named he was assisted by Henry Ohitting, Chester Herald. A copy of the visitation of Berks is preserved in the British Museum, in Additional MSS., No. 1532. It would seem that our Folkestone worthy was by no means satisfied with heraldic work, and the duties of his office as Rouge Dragon. His brother Thomas, who resided at Folkestone, and was mayor of the town, had writ.ten to Lord Zouch, Warden of the Five Ports, saying that the Bailiff of Sandwich, Mr. Mills, was willing to surrender that office to John Philipot.* It seemed, however, that the reversion of this post had already been promised to one Ed ward Kelk: The Mayor of Folkestone, Thomas Philpot, suggested that Kelk might be bought out of his reversionary right, and he wrote to Lord Zou.eh, begging his lordship to use his influence in obtaining permission for Relk to accept a sum of money in lieu of the reversion. The Mayor's first letter upon the subject is preserved in the State Paper Office, and is dated 12th July, 1621. No progress,. however, seems to have been made in the matter until two years later, when Lord Zouch wrote to Sir Edward Conway, t requesting his furtherance in procuring for John Philipot the office of Bailiff of Sandwich. It then appeared that there waa another competitor for the office, one Windebank. The Philpot family, however, having persuaded Mills, the old bailiff, ·to resign, and having bought out Kelk's reversionary interest in the office, found means ot pe1·suading Windebank to retire; and on the 10th of July, 1623, the King appointed our herald, John Philipot, to be Bailiff of Sandwich. From the number of applicants for the office, and from the great efforts made by the Philpot family, th1·ough Lord Zouch, to obtain it for our hero, we may suppose that the office was lucrative. Six days after Philipot's appointment, a disappointed applicant, named Lord, went to Secretary Conway with a letter from Sir John. Naunton, recommending him for the reversion of the office.:j: He would seem to have obtained nothing for his pains, as Philipot obtained the reversion of the office fo1· *t Dom. State Papers, Jas. I., 􀉼., 17. Dom. State Papers, Jas. I., c:dvii., 33. t Dom. State Papers, Jas. I., c:dviii., 112. xc KENT .A.ltC!H..EOLOGICA.lA SOCIETY. one Gabriel Marsh, who was probably.the husband of bis niece Judith. This grant is dated July 17, 1628. In the following year, 1624, Philip ot was appointed Somerset Herald, upon the resignation of Robert Treswell, whom he probably bought out. The docquet of his appointment is dated June 23rd, 1624. He thereby vacated the minor office of Rouge Dragon, in which he was succeeded by Thomas Thompson. From the list of Queen Elizabeth's Annual Expenses, we learn that in 1584 the office of Somerset Herald was worth only £13. 6s. 8d. per annum. The fees, however, would be many and heavy. Little more than a year after his appointment, one of these heavy • fees accrued to Philipot. James I. died at his palace of Theobalds, in Hertfordshire, on the 27th of March, 1625. On that day week, April 3rd, four Officers of .Arms, one of whom was our herald, rode to Theobalds. After dinner the body of the late King was brought into the Presence-chamber, and there, under a pall of black velvet and sheet of holland, it rested two hours, attended by the four officers of arms, and by the gentlemen of the Privy Chamber. Three warnings were then sounded by trumpeters, and upon the third warning Philipot and the heralds put on their coats of arms, and reverently attended upon the late King'a body, as it was borne down to the first court. There it was laid upon a carriage specially prepai'ed for it, covered with black velvet, and drawn by six horses in black velvet trappings and feathers. Then the cavalcade set out upon its journey to London. Before the body rode Philipot and his fellow heralds, together with his father-in-law Glover, the gentleman usher in waiting, preceded by t􀄼e King's servants. Beside the funeral car l'l!,n the footmen, just a􀄽 they would have done about the King's carriage had he been alive. After the funeral car followed the lords and others that were at Theobalds, who had coaches. In every town and village, Philipot and his companio ns took off their hats and went bareheaded. At Kingsland the other officers of arms fell in, and at Wood's Close the Royal guards, with one hundred and twenty coaches containing the peers, joined the procession. It was reinforced at Smithfield by the addition of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London. Passing through Holborn and Chancery Lane the cavalcade proceeded to Denmark House, which was reached at eight o'clock in the evening. To guide the procession through the darkness no less than 3,600 to rches were distributed; the guards, bareheaded and on horseback, carried torches al'ound the funeral car, and footmen of all the noblemen bore torches beside theil' masters' coaches. Thus the first day's ceremonial ended. '.MEMOiR OF jOiiN PH!LIPOT, . XCI For four weeks the body of James I. lay in state at Denmark House. On the evening of the 30th of April it was removed to the Privy Chamber, Philipot and his fellow heralds waiting in their coats of arms. On Saturday morning the funeral took place ; the officers of arms attended it until the time of proceeding to Westminster. So great was the multitude of people (8,000 or 9,000) that although the first mourners set out from Somerset House about ten o'clock in the morning, the last did not arrive at Westminster Hall until four in the afternoon. In the procession John Philipot had a place of honour near the body. He was followed by the g1·eat banner of England, borne by the Earls of Nottingh11,m and Anglesea, and Viscount Andover, behind whom were the four principal heralds bearing, one the spurs of the late King, another his gauntlets, a third his helmet and crest, the fourth his targe. After them came Norroy King-of-arms with the King's sword, Clarenceux with his coat of arms, and the Lord Chamberlain with his own staff of office. Around the coffin of the King twelve bannerols were borne by knights and gentlemen, one of whom, Sir Oliver Cromwell, bo1:e a name which soon became notorious. Garter King-of-arms preceded the young King, who followed as chief mourner. When they arrived at Westminster Abbey, Philipot with the other officers of arms attended Charles I. to the communion table, where he made an offering in the name of the late King his father, after which he returned to his chair. Again he rose, and a second time, attended by the officers of arms and Philipot, approached the holy table, where he made an offering for himself, and there remained to 1·eceive the hatchments and armour of his 1·oyal father. These were presented by various earls. Probably this, and the Coronation of Charles I., were the grandest ceremonies at which Philipot ever had the honour of officiating. • A record in the State Paper Office shews the allowance of black cloth made to each of the officials for mourning at King James's funeral. Philipot's portion was nine yards for himself, and six yards for two men, During the same year, 1625, we find notices of our hero as Bailiff of Sandwich. Among the State Papers there is a warrant,«· dated July 17, for the payment to him of £.250 for the repair of the gaol at Sandwich, called Whitrodd Gaol. There is likewise a petition of his against the London Watermen, who bad brought two boats full of children down the Thames to Tilbury Hope, where a ketch stayed to take them •Y: Ooll. Sign; Manual, Ohas. I., i. 4:5. xcii KENT AROHJEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. to Flanders. These children were being sent away to be educated in Roman Catholic schools or colleges ; hence the complaint. Philipot's mention of Tilbury Hope, and his knowledge of this occurrence, arose . probably from bis holding another office under the crown, which would seem to us quite incompatible with that of Somerset Herald, or that of Bailiff of Sandwich. This was the position of lieutenant, or· chief gunner, in the Fort of Tilbury, or of Gravesend, with the fee of one • shilling a day. A letter of Philipot's, dated 1632, Dec. 1, is still extant in the State Paper Office, in which he begs Sir Edward Nicholas not to permit him to be displaced from this office. He therein states that one Capt. Lorde threatened to urge the Lords Commissioners to remove him. In 1627, Pbilipot published a complete list of all the constables of Dover Castle, and wardens of the Cinque Ports. This he dedicated to the Lord Warden of the day, George Duke of Buckingham. In the letter of dedication he speaks of himself as a Ports man by birth, and of the renewal of his connection with the Ports by his office as Bailiff of Sandwich. During the following year, 1628, we obtain a glimpse of our hero in quite another character. On the 30th of Ja:μua1·y John Jacob of Faversham complains to Sir Ed. Nicholas, Secretary of State, that "In the port of Faversham John Philpot, a herald, keeps an Admiralty Court, whereby he dispqssesses the Duke (the Lord Warden) of the wrecked goods which the fishermen bring in." 'l'he office1·s of Customs locked up goods seized for the Duke by Jacob as Se1jeant of the Admiralty of the Cinque Ports. Here we find our Herald, our Bailiff of Sandwich, our Lieutenant of the Fort at Gravesend, acting as Judge of an obnoxious Admiralty Court at Faversham, hut we have not yet exhausted his offices, or his versatility. In 1630 and 1.631, we find letters and wa1·1·ants addressed by and to him as Steward of. the Royal manors of Gillingham and Grain. In 1635, Nov. 18, we reacl of his sitting with Mr; Thomas Godfrey, of flellinge, ·as a court to decide the case of Serles March, gentleman porter of Deal Castle, who had been grievously insulted on Christmas Eve by one Joshua Coppyng, of Canterbury. This very important matter proved too hard for these gentlemen to arrange, and the case of insulted honour was referred to other hands. In 1633, Philipot made his first official. voyage "act·oss the seas." His mission was to knight a certain Wm. Bosvile. Some reminiscences of this, 01· of a subsequent visit to France, still exist at the end of Philipot's MS. Church Notes, which were mainly made in Kent. They are MEMOIR OF JOHN PHILIPOT. XQiii preserved in Harleian MSS., No. 3917. During the same year (1633) Philipot's son Thomas was entered at Clare College, Cambridge, as a Fellow Commoner. This was the son who, ultimately, after his father's death, published the 'Villare Cantianum' in 1659 with his own name on the title-page as author, thus robbing John Philipot of his due.* The son courted the Muses, and published several poems. During 1633 and 1634, Philipot1 in conjunction with George Owen, York Herald, as Deputies of St. George, Clarenceux, made a Visitation of Sussex (Harleian MSS., 1194 and 1406)1 and in conjunction with William Ryley, who was Blue Mantle Pursuivant, he completed the Visitations of Bucks and Oxfordshire in the latter year. (HarJeian MSS., 1193 and 1480.) One of the pleasantest and most memorable events of Philipot's life took place in the following year, 1635. King Charles I. in that yea1· conferred the Order of the Garter upon Prince Charles Lodowick, Count Palatine of the Principality of the Rhine, and Duke of Bavaria. The Pl'ince was at that time serving with the army at Bockstel; some herald was therefore requil'ed to travel thither, and invest him with the insignia of the Order. Philipot was selected for this pleasant and honourable mission, which he vastly ·enjoyed, as he takes care to inform us. In the fu-st edition of Camden's ' Remains concerning Britain,' Philipot, who prepared the MS. for press, inserted a letter of dedication to this Prince Palatine Charles Ludovic in which he says :-" The greatest happiness that bath, or can, befall me was my. employment for the presentation of the most noble Order of the Garter to youl' Highness in the army at Bockstel." For his fee and expenses the English Governmeut paid Philipot the sum of £100. What he received from the Prince Palatine will nevei·- be known. It is a singular coincidence that the same State Paper whfoh records the payment of this £100 to Philipot on the 17th of July, 1635,t likewise records the payment to Dr. Wm. Harvey, another native of Folkstone, of a fee or annuity of £25. In 1636, om· Folkstone Herald published 'The Catalogue of the Chancellors of England, the Lord Keepers of the Great Seal, and the * Upon the flyleaf of one of the Lansdowne MSS. in the British Museun;i, I find two memoranda made and signed by Philipot : " 1633 Pxetium hujus libri e:s: archivia in Thesamo Scaccarii Westmonasterii e:rlracti vj11 • Jo. Philipott, Somerset,t." "The makeing the 2 kallenders and the bynding the Bookes :s:liij•. J.P., S.'' The manuscript is a Calendar of Fines passed in th.e reign of Henry III. for the county of Kent, and was no doubt used by him in compiling his ' Villa-re Cantianum.' t Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., vol. ccxciv. No. 5. xciv }{ENT ARCH.lEOLOGICAL SOOIE'.VY. Lord Treasurers of England, with a collection of divers that have been Masters of tbe Rolls.' In this work be owns himself greatly indebted to the labours of his wife's uncle Robert Glover, one of his predecessors in the office of Somerset Herald, and likewise to the MS. of Francis Thinn.e, Lancaster Herald. He thus shews that his son, who robbed hi01 of the credit of his own great work, did not inherit from him the desire to strut ip borrowed plumes without acknowledgment. He dedicated this work to the Earl of Arundel and Surrey. Among the Additional MSS. in the British Museum (6118, page 405), there is a list of Sheriffs of Lincolnshire from the first year of Henry II. to the twenty-first of Charles I. This list was compiled by John Philipot about 1636, and is one of his many unpublished lists and collections. He must have been greatly occupied with literary work at this period of his life, for it was about this time that he edited Oamden's Remains, which have been already mentioned, In 1639 we hear, not directly but at second hand, of an allegation made against Philipot of improper proceedings, in the matter of a grant of arms made to some perRon. But as it is in a News Letter of the period from Edward Rossingham to Viscount Oonway, we will fain hope that the whole statement is a mistake, especially as _the News Letter bears date the first of April.* In 1641 (16 Charles I.) we find that a John Philpot was subcollector of the subsidy in the Upper Half Hundred of Stowting, wherein he was himself assessed to pay £1. 8s,t This may have been our Herald, or it may not. From Rymer's Fcedera (xx. 543) we learn tha.t in 1642 John Philipot, Bailiff of Sandwich, obtained the insertion of his son's name together with his own in a grant of the office of bailiff for their joint lives. About that time he, being a staunch Royalist, followed the King to Oxford. He was soon afterwards captured by the Parliamentary forces, and sent to London. Ee does not, however, seem to have suffered long imprisonment. In 1645 he died in London, upon the 25th of -November, and was buried in the churchyard of St. Benet, Paul's Wharf. The register of his burial still exists, and from a copy of it kindly sent to me by the Rector of St. Benet's, I find that it states nothing but his name, spelt Fillpot ( with an " F ") and the date of his interment. Among the MSS. left by Philipot, and subsequently published, * Do􀁑. State Papers, Obas, I., vol. ccccxvii, No. s, t Lay Subsidy, 16 Car. I., in Public Record Office. MEMOIR OF JOHN :PHILIPOT. XCV was '.A perfect Collection or Catalogue of all (2323) Knights Ilachelaurs made by King James since bis coming to the Crown of England until his decease ; faithfully extracted out of the records by John Philipot, Esq., Somerset Herald, a devout servant of the Royal line.' This was published in 1660, by Humphrey Moseley. Mr. G. E. Ookayne, once Rouge Dragon, but now Lancaster Herald, informs me that Philipot entered his pedigree in the 'Visitation of London, 1634,' and that an account of him was inserted in the' Gentleman's Magazine ' for December, 1778, at page 590. He had a second son John, and a second daughter Mary, of whom nothing is known. My thanks are due to Mr. Cokayne, for very kindly revising the proof of this short memoir of his predecessor in the office of Rouge Dragon. (_ xcvi ) OBSERVATIONS ON THE EARLIER CLAIMS TO THE DISCOVERY OF THE CIRCULATION OF THE BLOOD. BY CANON R. C. JENKINS. When great discoveries come into the hands of men of science and progress, they are used as the means of looking forward to some more distant truths, as a kind of vantage-ground from which unknown :wonders may ·be discovered. "The light which we have gained" (writes Milton) "was given us not to be ever staring upon, but by it to discove1· onward things more remote from our knowledge." But it is altogethe1· otherwise with antiquaries. The lights which we gain are used by us (consistently with our professed object) to look back upon the past, and see whether sciutillations of it may not be traced into the dim vista of ages ; whether "􀃶oming events," in. the wol'ds of the poet, did not " cast their shadows before,'' and every great discovery have a prophetic anticipation in some obscure and sybilline form. This has been eminently verified in the great discovery of the circulation of the blood by our illustrious Harvey. Notwithstanding the clamour and vehemence o.f the opposition raised against the new theory, especially in Italy, the scene ·of his early studies (where the preliminary discovery of the valves of the veins, by his master Fabricius ab Aquapendente, had directed his observations to the use and functions of the heart in connection \vith this important fact), numberless claims were advanced to the anticipation of the truth of the circulation of the blood, beginning with Plato and the Scholiasts on Euripides and Plutarch, and ending with the· learned but unfortunate Servetus in the 16th century. The great vagueness, however, of these earliest statements, renders it extremely doubtful whether they do more than approach the idea of the circulation of the blood ; while the profound ignorance which then prevailed in regard to the relations between the principal organs of the human body, and the manner in . which they contribute to the formation and passage of the blood throughout the 11ystem, would lead to the conclusion that they are rather poetical than practical anticipations of the coming truth. The famous passage of Plato runs thus : " The heart is the centre of the bloodvessels, the spring of the blood, whence it flows rapidly DISCOVERY OF THE CIRCULATION OF THE :BLOOD. xcvii round. Blood is the pabulum of the flesh in order to the nutriment of which the liody is intersected with canals, like those of gardens, to convey the blood like water from a fountain to the. remote parts." This, doubtless, furnished the text to those eady Eastem fathers who anticipated -the work of Paley and others in a later day, and endeavoured to demonstrate the being and attributes of the Deity from the wonderful structure of man, His greatest work. Thus Theodoret, in his sermons on "Providence," amplifies the words of Plato, and St. Gregory of Nyssa, the brother of St. Basil the Great, in his remarkable treatise, "De Hominis Opiji,cio," so illustrates it, and even advances beyond it, as to lead us to give him a kind of "proxime accessit" to the grand truth which it was left for a later age really to disclose and to establish. As far as I am able to understand the thhtieth chapter of this very interesting and early woi:k on "Natural Theology," the writer having stated that the heart is the fountain and principle of vital heat, and even of life itself, makes the liver the originating source of the blood, suggesting such a circulation between these two great organs, by means of veins and arteries, as in some degree to foreshadow the then distant truth. The colour of the blood he derives from the heat generated by the heart, and conveyed to it in its passage from the liver, from which it comes merely. in the form of a ·colourless stream; comparing this action to the mounta-in snows which swell the stream, and fill even its earliest veins and sources. The siugular feature of all these eadier descriptions and illustrations is, that· the action of the lungs and their part in this, great economy were wholly unrecognized, and even unknown, the great trias of the heart, the brain, and the liver being regar< led as the pillars of our human life. A much nearer approach appears to me to have been made by Aquinas, about the year 1250, to the doctrine of the circulation of the blood, in bis short treatise, "De Motu Gordis," which was published among his Opuscula, at Douai. "The motion of the heart," he writes, "is the principle of all motion in animated life . . and in order that the heart might be the beginning and end of all the motions which are in the living being, it had a certain motion, not circular, but like a circula1· motion, composed of . a double pulsation (tractu et pulsu) * . . . This motion is also continuous while animal life lasts, except the interposition of a short pause between the two pulsations, the only point in which it fails of a circular motion. . . . And these two motions, which seem to be contrary, are, as it were, the parts of a motion composed of both, and though * i. c. Dilatation and contraction, in technical language, the "diastole " and "systole," xcviii KENT ARCH..EOLOGICAL SOCIETY. failing to •present the simplicity of a circular motion, it imitates it in so far as it 'is from the same into the same, and thus it is not inconvenient ( or unsuitable) that it should tend towards divers pal'ts, since a circular motion sometimes has that character." ( Opusc. Duaci, 1609, page 968-9.) It would appeal' that Aquinas, ignorant of the structure of the body internally, and only able to gathe1· a little knowledge from a comparison of the human frame with that of animals generally, was led to derive from the phenomena of inspiration and expiration in connection with the pulsation of the heart and it-s two distinct m,otions, the idea of a circulating motion within, and thus seems to h11.ve made a slight approach, however distant and conjectural, to the great theory of Harvey. It has often been alleged that a still higher vantage-g1·ound was gained by that profound physician and unhappy victim of l'eligious persecution, Michael Servetus, and that his rema1·kable and rare work, calied the Restitutio Ohristi'anismi, contains the germ of the th􀃕ory of Harvey. I have sought in vain for any proof that this is really the • case, the only point in which the question is at all approached, being that in which the human nature of our Lord is defined and illustrateda passage occurring·almost in the middle of the treatise. He asserts, indeed, that in the birth of human being "the valves of the heart, or the membranes at the orifices of the vessels of the heart, are opened," and that then, by the wonderful "skill" of the Creator, "a divine soul is breathed into man, the opening of the heart takes place, and the immission into it of the vital blood." And, in his comparison c,f the human body to a plant, he seems to have an idea of a circulation of the vital fluid through veins and arteries. But' in his adherence to the notion that the liver is the centre and fountain of life, he appears to be behind Aquinas and the earlier writers, and to have simply followed Hippocrates and Galen, whose theories were so entirely dissipated by the great discovery of Harvey. I fail, indeed, to see . that he had advanced beyond St. Gregory of Nyssa, who wrote in 380.* If I understand his words aright, even the great Dr. Bentley, in his Boyle Lecture, called " A Confutation of Atheism, from the Structure and Origin of Human Bodies," delivered in 1694, did not admit the great discovery of bis century. For he illustrates the Divine wisdom by the fact of " the artificial position of many myriads of valves, all so * Zanchius, the Italian reformer (1616-1690), in his work de 1Iomini$ c1·cationc (1. ii., o. i.), made a much nearer approach .to the true theory. Re ,begins a long and interesting passage describing the functions of.the heart, by affirming that it is firmly bound to the 1·est of tlte body by veins, arteries, and nerves, "partim :q.t vita ah ipso in re}.iqua mew.bra commUDicando diffmwat1i1•; parti.m ut i1i ,;pmwi alcoium vicissim officia et beneficia 1•0/ei·,·i queant." DISCOVERY OF TH.E CIRCULA.TION OF THE BLOOD. XClX situate as to give a free passage to the blood, and other humours, in their due channels and courses, but not to permit them to regurgitate and disturb the 9reat circulation and economy of life" (page 15). In which w01·ds he seems to halt between two opinions, and to deny that very circulation of which he speaks. Probably, he feai·ed equally the Scylla of the old doctrine and the Charybdis of the new. In any case; we may well arrive at the conclusion that the great Harvey-the child of Folkestone by birth-the adopted child of the whole world, which he made the heir of his grand discovery, stands forth as the true and only Olairf!ant-and that we might as well hunt through Australia for the real Tichborne, as explore the dark places of antiquity to find the real predecessor of Harvey. B·ut we should do great injustice to the grandeur of his character if we were to rest here on the mere threshold ( as it were) of his discovery. The highest 3,ttribute of Harvey' s nature was the retirement, the reticence, the almost secrecy with which he noul'ished his great idea. From 1616, the year in which he intro􀃫 duced it into his lectures, until 1628, in which he presented the great truth, he had discovered, to the scientific woi:).d-how many anxious misgivings, how many conflicts, and fightings, and fea1·s he must have· encountered I As it is said of our Lord Himself, that He hid Himself from the multitude, and yet could not be hid, inasmuch as His very work betrayed His presence; so it might be said of every one of those to whom the truth of God has been revealed-their very silence is eloquent-" tacendo maxiine docuit." It was noted of Harvey, from the first, that he never treated his great discovery contl'oversially.- He never entered into the arena of scientific warfare ( and medical scientific wa1fare, like theological, is ever wont to be carried on ruthlessly,' "to the bitter end,") but bequeathed his grand discovery to posterity, enshl'ined in the elegant Latin of his immortal treatise. 0 I what a strife of tongues did that wonderful publication originate I The gi·eat critics of Leipzig, in the Acta Eruditor·um, of 1686, said well:" The fortune of sudden and unexpected things ( as Seneca as observed) is rarely constant-and this, the warfare of the l􀃬arned, upon the anatomical discoveries of the present age more than sufficiently proves. For, to the present moment, some are superstitious enough to hold that any one who opposes himself to the ancients is guilty of a hideous crime, and would rather err with Bartholomreus Eustachius, in his blind following of Galen, than dare to think with any new master. It is not, therefore, to be wondered at, that the golden discovery of the circulation of the blood, made in our own age, contrary to all earlier opinions, by William Harvey, has been subject to the same fate-and C KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. is set down by some of the slaves of Galen as a frivolous and silly falsehood." But the old proverb, "Plus rutilat veritas ventilata," bad here one of its fullest illustrations. Truth has triumphed, and shines forth in all its lustre, and the minister of a tru􀂖h which has, more than any other, ministered to the life of mankind, has been honoured throughout the world, and is at last about to receive that honour which, though it ought to have been his earliest, cannot in any case be his last-honour from his own countrymen and his own townamen. This latest honour is now about to be rendered to him, and we may well invite, and even entreat, all who have gathered round us in _this place, to 4elp us to make the memorial of this great man a worthy tribute, as far as it can be, to one who has long passed away from the earthly conflict, and never had in view any earthly crown-who might have exclaimed (like the prophet) to an ungrateful world, '' I have laboured in vain: I have spent my strength for nought and in vain, yet surely my judgment is with the Lord, and my work with my God." (Isa. xlix. 4.) ( ci ) REMARKS ON THE EARLY CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, IN CONNECTION WITH THE RECENT DISCOVERIES AT LYMINGE. BY CANON R. C. JENKINS, REOTOR OF LnrINGE. THE ancient Basilica, or Imperial Residence, in which were included the courts of Judicature and the halls of Audience, were so manifestly and singularly adapted for the purposes of Christian worship, that we cannot wonder at the fact that they were dedicated to this new object by the Christian Emperors, and that the churches founded by them ,vere built upon this simple plan. The transfei· of the temples _ of heathenism to Christians, which had sometimes taken place during the temporary triumphs of their religion, must ever have tended to corrupt the new faith and to present contrasts and incongruities to its earlier professors. From this latter source may be derived that multiplication of altars and chapels which is admitted by the Dettore Antonio dell' Ogna, in his memoir drawn up for the Bishop of Montepulciano and presented to the assembly of Bishops at Florence in 1787, to have been derived from the altars and chapels dedicated to the Dii contubernales in the Heathen Temples. In the Petrine Basilica of Ravenna these altars reached at last the extraordinary number of three hundred and the abuse was resisted, but in vain, by repeated councils and Pontiffs. The simpler form of the Basilica was best fitted to restrain these excesses, for it consisted merely of an oblong building, having at the end opposite the portico a semi-circufar apse for the tribune, and was divided by two rows of columns into three naves, giving little scope for multiplied altars cir unnecessary ornamentation. The fifth century, however, exhibits the basilica as developing so high an adornment of architecttll'e, sculpture, and painting, and so great a variation of ground-plan and accession of subordinate buildings, that we cannot be surprised at its subsequent development by means of transepts and apsida1 chapels into the stately form and proportions of the cathedrai of Western Europe. If I might venture to haza1·d a conjecture on the origin of the crnciform church of a later age, I should say that it was suggested by the addition of those side chapels and oratories which formed so marked a feature in the more sumptuous basilica! churches, such as thnt of St. Felix at Nola, of which St, Paulinus has left us so VOI. x. k cii KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, elaborate and valuable a description. The first great change which the secular basilica received in its conversion into a Christian church was the threefold apse,* which soon developed itself into a still more elaborate system. The single apse was then multiplied so as to make the recesses to equal, or even exceed, the nUillber of the aisles of which they formed the elevated extremity. This triple end, or tricborm:o, contained a. separate altar in every apse, the relics of martyrs being deposited, in the words of St. Paulinus, intra abs-idem trichora sub altar'ia. Elsewhere he speaks of a central apse " cum dua.bus dextrd lcevdque conchulis," a conclta being a smaller apse; a conchula often an apse within an apse. Pope Hadrian ( according to .A.nastasius Bibliothecarius) " made thre􀄐 apses in the Church of St. Mary in Cosmedin," and we read in the same chronicler that Leo III. made a magnificent central apse in a church in Rome,· having two other apses, one on the rigbt side and one on the left. Sometimes in remarkable cases these apses or "conchs " were multiplied. At Milan, the Church of St. Thecla had eight, while the Palace of Justinian at Constantinople boasted of a "heptaconch Triclinium,'' famous for the abortive conference held in it between the Catholics and the Acephali under that great emperor. On the sides of these apses, and along _the aisles of the church, the cubicula, or resting-places of the saints, were ordinarily erected. "The cubicula, fonr in number," writes St. Paulinus, " inserted in the long sides or aisles of the basilica supply a place for those who wish to pray or meditate, and for the memorials of the religious who rest there in eternal peace." In a recess such as this, at the side of the north aisle of the ancient Dat@ca of Lyminge, the body of St. lEthelburga is said to have rested.. The word is literally that of tl1e charter of King Cuthred, '' ubi pausat corpus B. Eadbnrgre." And in this northern apse the remains of the arched tomb from which her relics were taken, by Archbishop Lanfranc for the endowment of his new Priory of St. Gregory in Canterbury, may still be clearly seen. The site of the nave of the church, of which the ancient yew-tree appears to me to mark the centre, canuot fail to be detected by the careful observer. The destruction of the walls of this and of the north aisle, both in the churchyard and in the field, was unhappily so complete as to leave little hope, of a successful search, to the explorer of a later day. The work of destruction of the south wall of the church, and of the intermediate one, was only interrupted by the approach to recent interments, which it was thought imprudent to * Dr. Plumptre has she,vn that the chancel of St. Martin's-le-Grand at Dover had a threefold apse. (' .Archreologia Cantiana,' vol. iv., plate 5, page 26.) zen :x:(.) 0 a: 􀀂 i <(Z zO 0 -I ::, 0. f£ zQ 􀂐1- 1-z Ul en􀂒 a.􀂓 0 ::::, 0 w 0 z :x: 􀂑<.I- '-' :x:Ul 0u. I-u. z0 0 <( ATRIUM. iOUNDATJONS DE$TR0YEp. ···························•········· ·•····· ·•·•••••· BOURCHIER. 1460-"65. (AHC/£1'17 FOUllOAiJONS/ CHURCH OF 5: MARY AND S􀂔 A::ADBURG .. c. 1020-1070. 0 0 BASILICAL CHURCH OF ST MARY EVER-VIRGIN. 633. CON.JECTURAL CHANCEL 􀀇􀀈 ij >Q ,:;:rC -i􀀃 ce..,􀀎 ,S 􀀂 l 􀀂 t 􀂕􀂖: "c;< Q' t􀀂 􀀁 ., "d ; "' I a,, -g- " t:'. I 􀀄􀀅 " I I:: z -􀀅 i!' 􀀆 '"· i:i." .,. :t 􀀃 .. -!;I"'.,· ON EARLY CHRISTIAN :BASILICAS. cili disturb; the coffin of a Mrs. Crux presenting what might be called a real crux to these modern Vandals, while an accident to a labourer, who broke his leg in attempting to break up the far less brittle foundation, and the honest confession that they had " got stones enow," led to a cessation of the work of Vandalism. The apse at the Western extremity of the Lyminge basilica, derives some illustration from a basilica built by St. Na.matins in Auvergne in the seventh century, of which St. Gregory of Tours writes that "it had a round apse in the front, with wings on either side elegantly constrncted," in ante absidem rotundam habens ab ut1'oque latere ascellas eleganti constructas opere. (I. ii. c. 16.) The greater part of this, at Lyminge, was destroyed with the vast walls extending from it, and a layer of concrete still adhering to the rock-chalk is the only clue to their form and direction. The fragments which remain enablu us, however, to complete the ground-plan which the traditions of the oldest inhabitants verify, and indicate the design and proportions of what must have been one of the largest, as well as one of the niost historic, of the early Christian churches of England-the foundation of one who had been present at the consecration of the Cathedral of Canterbury, ·and had herself founded that wooden church of York which was the predecessor of the great northern minster. Yet much as we must deplore the loss of the " former house," enriched with so many. sacred traditions, we cannot but look upon the present vene1·able building and its long history with the feelings with which St. Paulinus looked from the !!adier basilica of Nola to the structure which succeeded it, and exclaim with him- " Tectorum dissidet ootas Concordnt species-veterum mo.nus atque recentum Oonvenit-in facie simili decor unus utrumque Ornat opus-coiiunt olim fundat11, novellis." ( civ ) MEDLEV AL FOLKESTONE. FoLKESTONE gives its-name to one of the Hundreds· of Kent, and was the site of a nunnery (said to have been the first in England), founded in the seventh century by Eadbald, King of Kent, the father of St. Eanswith, its first Abbess. These facts prove that the town was in earlier times a place of some importance, but very little is known respecting its history, prior to the Middle Ages; It is evident that the name, spelt Folcstane in the earlier records, was given by the Saxons,* and that it was derived from the natural peculiarities of the place, its stone quarries having always played a conspicuous part in its history. They are mentioned in two extents ( or valuations) of the manor of '' Folcstane " which were made in the reign , of Henry III. In the first of these, dated 1268, we read that "there are there certain quarries worth per annumt 20s." The second gives us furthe1· information; it is dated 1271, and says "the quarry:j: in which mill-stones and handmillstones • are dug" is worth 20s. per annum. Such peaceful and useful implements as mill-stones were, however, by • no means the only produce of these quarries. When- Edward III., and his son the Black Prince, were prosecuting their conquests in France, some of the implements of war were obtained from Fo]kestone. On ,Jan. the 9th, 1356,§ the King ordered the Warden of the Cinque Ports to send over to Calaisll those stones for warlike engines which had been prepared at Folkestone. The accounts of Merton College, Oxford, record the fact that " six great stones, to lay under the granary of Elham Rectory, were obtained from Folkestone," in 1380. Their carriage thence to Elham cost 6s. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, as we shall presently see, no less than 100 labourers were employed in these quarries excavating and hewing stone for Dover Haven ; and during * Compare the words "folcland" and "folcmote.'' The derivation, ".h'ulke's To\vn," suggested in Murray's Handbook for Kent, is clearly :inadmissible. .T!'ulke is a Norman name; and the last syllable of the Saxon town's name was always spelt "stane" not "tun" nor "ton." t '.A.rcbreologia Cantiana,' iii., 267. • ; lbia., vi., 24:1. § Rymer's 'Fredera,' iii., part i., p. 816. II Calais had been captured by Edward III. in 1347 after a year's siege. '.!'he F1en9h elldell,voured to regain it about this time, 1856, MEDI1EVAL FOLKESTONE. CV the Commonwealth large quantities of Folkestone stone went to Dunkirk, for the harbour there. The uppermost, of the four subdi visions of the Lower Green Sand, crops out at Copt Point, and furnished the stone which was quarried here during the nriddle ages. It is very inferior to the well-known Kentish ragstone, * which lies lower down in the same series. Of Folkes􀄪one during the eleventh and twelfth centuries we kno,v very little more than the names of its possessors, whose descent has been clearly traced by Mr. Thomas Stapleton, F.S.A., in a paper read · at Canterbury in 1844 before the British Archreological Association. Upon the death of William de Archis, or .Arques, the Norman Lord of Folkestone, his widow, Beatri.x:, entered upon his smaller and subordinate manor and house at Newington as her dower, and the bulk of his property was divided between his two daughters. Matilda, who was the wife of William de Tancarville, inherited his estates in Normandy, which came from Gozelin, Vicomte de Arques. Emma,. the ot􀄫er daughter, wife of another Norman named Nigel de i\foneville, inherited the Folkestone estate. Her husband, de Moneville, died leaving but one child, Matilda, who married R.ualinus de Averenches. He was Sheriff of Kent in 1131, and died before 1147.t E􀄬ma de Moneville, on the death of her husband, married the Comte de Guisnes soon afte1· A.D. 1100, and brought to him the manor of Newington, upon which some of her descendants, Comtes de Guisnes, are said to have resided. Newington Ohurch she gave to the Abbess and Convent of Guisnes, in A.rtois. Thus Newington Manor, and Newington Church, became alienated from the Honor or Barony of Folkestone, the one for a time, the other for ever. De Moneville's daughter, Matilda, inherited the diminished Lordship of Folkestone and brought it in dower to her husband, RuaFnus de .Averenches, whose son William is said to have· founded the church upon its present site about 1138. Mr. Stapleton says, that in the year. 1191 William's son, or grandson, Simon de .A.brincis, or .Averenches, Baron of Folkestone, claiming to be rightful heir to- the ,vhole of the English estates of William de Arques, gave 100 marks to have trial at law for the purpose of obtaining certain lands in Kent of which he had been disseised by Baldwin Comte de Guisnes. Within ten years from that time the case was decided by " Wager of battle " in favour of the equal division of the :Manor 'of Newingion between the two • Henry VI., by his will, directs "all the walls of Eton College of the outer court, and of the walls of the precinct about the gardens'' to be made of the "hard stone of Kent." t Planche's 'Corner of Kent,' p. 261. Dugdale's 'Mon. Ang.' i. 680. CVI KENT AROH.lEOLOGIC.A.L SOCIETY. claimants. (' Arch. Cant.,' ii., 267.) Newington was induded in the extent of Folkestone Manor made in 1263. We do not hear much of Folkestone until the time of King John. Then it obtained the right of holding a market every Thursday. This right, first granted to Jeffrey Fitz Peter in 1205, was renewed to William de Averenches, son of Simon, in 1215. In the same :i7ear, says Mr. J>lanche, Simon's widow Cecilia sold one of her manors to raise money for the ransom of her son William, who had been taken prisoner by the king's forces.* During the following year the intestine strife between King John and his Barons came_ to a crisis, and Folkestone was for a short time the King's headquarters. He had hired from the Low Count1-ies a large number of mercenaries, to swell his army. When these foreign soldiers were sailing to Dover, which was occupied by the King's party,· a storm shattered their fleet and many of the men were lost. A considerable number, however, reached our shores, and 􀄔s Dover would be crowded with the army and its appurtenances, King John came to Folkestone. Here he took up his abode with his court, on three occasions, during the month of May, 1216, remaining altogether about twelve days. Then occmred an event which happily is without parallel in the annals of our country. A French Prince, Louis the Dauphin, at the invitation of the English Barons, landed at Stonar in Thauet on the 21st of May with an army that had :filled 680 ships. He then proceeded to Sandwich and Rochester, and made a series of successful attacks upon all such towns in Kent as were occupied by the King's friends, so that, as Matthew Paris says, he took all Kent, save Dover, which he vigorously besieged. Upon the approach of the French P1-ince, King John withdrew rapidly to Winchester, leaving Folkestone and Dover to their fate. After his departure the Lord of Folkestone, William de Averenches, is said to have been guilty of great excesses. The Register of St. Radegund's Abbey (quoted l>y Hasted, viii. 150) states that he spoiled Hawkinge Church, while the Dauphin was in England, that he and his followers plundered the bodies of the dead, and that he deprived Hawkinge Church of all the tithes and oblations due by his tenants. He caused them to give their oblations four times a-year in his Hall, at Folkes tone, before they went to the Priory there. It is a remarkable coincidence, that about three hundred years afterwards, we find the representatives of Hawkinge Church complaining, at Archbishop Warham's visitation, in 1511, that "the Prior of Folkestone withdraweth certain householdexs • ' .A. Corner of Kent,' p. 262. MEDI􀀑V .A.L FOLKESTONE. cvii from the parish of Hawkyng by which the said church is likely to decay.''* The Prior, however, denied being responsible for any such withdrawal. The above-mentioned Hall of William de.A. verenches was probably the house at which King John stayed with his court when at Folkestone. We have no description of it as it then appeared, nor can we say for certain that it was the "castle," within the precincts of which the church formerly stood, and the site of which is marked by the Rpot still called the Bail. We may &pppose, however, that it was so, and it ce.rtaiulywas the same building which, fifty years later1 was described in the valuation then made of the Manor of Folkestone. . This William de A verenches, like many of the Lords of Folkestone, had no son. He was succeeded in the Lordship by his sister Matilda, who married Hamo de Clrevecoour, and their only children were daughters. When Ramo died, in 1263, a valuation of the manor was made, in which the Lord's Hall is described as " a capital messuage, sufficiently well built, and enclosed with a stone wall."t Within the walled precinct there were, a garden, a court yard in which was herbage, and a dovecote. The large park, about a league and a half in circuit, extended nearly to Sandgate, and was sunounded by a hedge or fence. This fence the tenants of eighteen knights' fees, held of the manor, were bound to keep in repair; doing, cutting, and carrying, the fencing for 360 perches every four years. The park contained so many deer, and other wild crentures for the chase, that if they had been destroyed the portion allotted to them would have afforded pasture for 100 cattle. There were also three :fishponds in the park, the value of which was reckoned at 13s. 4d. per annum ; but they were so large, that had they been fully stocked they would have been worth 40s. a-year, which was as much as the anmial value of twenty acres of mowing meadow. Nor was the park deficient in good timber. No less than fifty acres of it were covered with large oaks and great white-thorns. Underwood covered other ten acres, upon which it was allowed to grow for five years together, but so well wa-s it 1·egulated that two acres could be cut every year, and the underwood so cut was worth 4s. an acre. Twenty-two acres were d.evot􀅘d to mowing meadow; and the pannage or pig pasture under the trees of the park was worth 50s. per annum. The demesne lands of the Lord of Folkestone comprised 825 acres of arable, pa-sture and meadow land; of which 710 acres were in Folkestone and 115 in Newington. The woodlands were also • 1 Wa xham' s' Register, fol. 60, t 1 .A:rchreologia Oantiana,' iii., 267. cviii KENT ARCHJEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. extensive at Herstling, Reynden, and Newington. Reynden wood comprised 150 acres, and its timber was worth £300. There were -likewise rabbit and other warrens worth 20s. a-year. Perhaps the most curious portion· of the description is that of two fields, called. Bromfeld and Gorst, which comprised forty-one acres, whereon broom and furze were grown. • They were so managed as to be worth as much as pasture land, or 12d. per acre per annum. The Valuation* says, "be it known that in those forty-one acres broom and furze grow, and may be cq.t always at the end of seven years, and afterwards they may be ploughed and sown for two years, and the crop of each acre of broom and furze may be sold for 7s." There are some remarkable touches yet to be added to this outline sketch of Folkestone six hundred years ago. It had three " very poor" water-mills and there was one windmill (at Terlingham) on the manor lands; hens were-then valued at l½d. each, and a fat capon at 2d. ; among the annual assised rents paid to the Lord of the Manor were 37{;½ hens. Hens' eggs were worth from 3d. to 3½d. the hundred, and eight ·hundred were yearly received as rent by the Lord. Lambs were valued at 8d. each, and the Lord received 42 of them as rent every year. Pepper, however, of which he received in rent 2½ lbs. yearly (1 from Folkestone and 1} from Newington) was _worth ls.t a pound in 1271; that is to say, I lb. of pepper then cost as much as a lamb and a half, or eight hens, or 342 eggs ; in 1268 it cost only 8d. a lb. Among the other assised rents of the • manor were 2 lbs. of cumin seed worth 2d. a lb. in 1271, but only worth I½d. in 1263 ; 21 seams of oats, counting 16 bushels to a seam, worth 31:1. 4d. a seam in 1271, but only 2s. in 1263 ; and two seams of :fine white salt worth 2s. a seam in 1271, but only ls. 8d. in 1263. The Romescot, or annual payment for Peter's pence, upon the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, amounted to 32s. l0d., or 394 pence; of which 17s. 6d. was due from the Alcham limb of the Manor, while only 15s. 4d. was payable from the town and the Middle-hundred of Folkestone. In the valuations of the Manor it is specially stated that the Advowson of the church is in the gif􀄆 of the Lord of Folkestone and is worth, one year with the other, 60 marks per annum, i. e., £40. Likewise, " the Priory of Folkestone, which is a cell· of the Abbey of Lulley, is of the foundation of the Lord of Folkestone, and he has the custody of the same Priory as often as it may be vacant by the • 'Archreologia Cantiana,' vol. iii., p. 269. t The Gold􀁚xniths' Company,. for their Feasts, paid for Pepper in 1517, ls. 2d. per lb. ; m 1518, ls. 10d.; m 1527, ls .. 6d, MEDIEVAL FOLKES'l'ON.E. . ClX death of any Prior." Five courts were held by the Lord of the Manor. One for the Hundred, the fees and perquisites of which were 40s. a-year ; one for Folkes tone, with fees of 5s. per annum; one for Alcbam with fees amounting to 13s. 4d.; one for Newington and the Marsh, with annual fees of 30s. ; and one for A.changre in Cheriton, of which • the fees were worth but 2s. per annum ; these particu1a1·s are from the valuation* made in 1263. There was one fee or custom which was very seldom demanded by the Lord of Folkestone ; it was a contribution or "aid " of £2 l. 14s. 9d.> from all tenants in socage, towards making bis eldest son a knight. Often however must the parallel custom have been enforced, which required those tenants to pay the same aid upon the marriage of the lo1·d's eldest daughter. These customs we learn from the valuationt made in 1271, when the husbands of Agnes and Alianore de Crevec.ir preservation, "as from the time when the town of Calais was conquered and acquired by our noble ancestor Edward, and that they of the same town lately by great charges and disbursements which they from time to time for the conse1·vation of the passage from the same supported, their Liberties and franchises had and held for their own use, viz.: that they of DoYor should make their passage to the said Town of Calais and not to any other place, nor they of Calais their passage to any place other than to Dovor, unless prevented by great or sudden tempest, or by Royal precept, except cxlii KENT .A.􀀕CR.al;OLOGIO..U SOCIETY, mercbandize whic4 did not belong to the passage . . . . the said Town of Dovor having the special charge of the passage, and to regulate the c<:mduct of the same iind the ships thereof," etc. Notwithstanding the favours thus conferred by the Crown, it would seem that differences bad arisen or offences been committed by the Barons. For I nod that the same 􀇤ing, in the twenty.fifth year of his reign, issued Letters Patent, granted by the king in parliament, pardoning and remitting to Ralph Toke, mayor, and Walter NysQam, bailiff, and the commonalty, all manner of transgressions, offences, misprisions, con· tempts, and impeachments by them before the 9th day of .April last past, against the form of the Statutes concerning the liberties of clothes and hoods, done 01• perpetrated. And tbis lengthy cbarter contains releases of all imaginable offences, of eve1·y conceivable kind, excepting however out of its operation a daughter of a soldier, a blacksmith, the keeper of Nottingham Gaol, a felony concerning the de􀇥th of a soldier lately perpetrated, and sundry government officers. It does not appear that the Barons were much oetter behaved in the succeeding reign, for its liberties and franchises had been " for reasonable and lawful c􀇦uses 11 seized unto the king's hands, and Edward IV. by a charter in his eleventh year "for the good and de􀇧ent government and happy rule of the town, and its members, and our people of the same, and for the security of others resorting to the same/1 appointed Thomas He:x:sta11 the Custos of the town and its members, with power to rule and govern the same, and to have the keys an􀇨 administration, even as the mayor hitherto had had. With these nautical and national matters we find a littl􀇩 bit of domos• tic history, in a warrant issued by King Henry VIII. in his twenty• sixth year to Geol'ge Duke of Rochefort, Constable and Warden, and others. It directs them " to take from the Inhabitants of the Town and its Members, under the powers of the Statute, an oath of Fealty to the King's Majesty, and to the heir.; of his body J)y his moat dear and entirely beloved lawful wife Queen Anne." As with the pa.ssage across the channel (not counted by the mariners of that day bu􀇪 a "silver streak" dividing the two coasts), so has the Harbour been deemed a matter of national importance. It was not al\"\·ays on the sarne site. In Roman days it consisted of the estuary of the river Dour-a river which still flows through the town within narrowed limits. It appears, from an old drawing, that in the reign of Henry VIII. it' ran, after leaving the Town Mill, directly out to sea.' But in consequence of an extensive fall of cliff eastward, it was turne

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Front matter, Volume 10

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Front matter, Volume 10

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Front matter, Volume 10

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General Index

Becket Memoranda 1. Ona A stone in the "Martyrdom" of Canterbury Cathedral; 2. On the Kindred of Archbishop Becket

Front matter, Volume 10

Kent Archaeological Society